• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.64 no.4
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• pp.601-616
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• 2018

This article explores the ways Charles Dickens's roles as novelist and journal editor overlapped and influenced one another in the serial publication of A Tale of Two Cities (1859) and complicates recent historicist readings, which situate the novel in relation to the Indian Mutiny (1857-59), by calling attention to a double imperial logic used to construct British subjectivity not only against forms of Eastern Otherness but, moreover, against forms of Southern Otherness associated with the European South, especially Italy. Analyzing Dickens's historical representation of the French Revolution in relation to its contemporary international political context, this essay examines how the novel's serial publication draws upon political discourse from contemporary articles on the Second Italian War of Independence (1859-61) appearing concurrently in Dickens's journal, All the Year Round. Orientalism circulates simultaneously in the novel as a distant and exotic as well as a provincial and parochial representation of racial and cultural Otherness.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.43
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• pp.255-284
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• 2016

This article aims at a discourse analysis on the selected 1970s Myungrang Manwhas, in the cases of Ggubungi, Doggaebi Gamtu, Yochul Balmyungwang. For the analysis, the history, pre-censorship, and distribution structure of Myungrang Manwha are referenced, as well as the considerable changes and developments on the definition of 'myungrang' since the 1920s. In employing Foucauldian discourse analysis to the texts, the selected Myungrang Manwhas are analyzed as discursive formation, which emerged within the social relations of the era; the characters' dialogues are analyzed as statement. The analysis examines the discourses that the texts disseminated, and the social context of the utterance. It is demonstrated that the Myungrang Manwhas are forms of representation, which implies 'the contested acquisition on capital and power', 'the emphasis on nationalist aspects', and 'the interpellation and discipline of subject active' of the time. Moreover, it is revealed that the forms of control, such as pre-censorship, were the articulation of the will to power, which drove the discoursive formation to function as an apparatus that meticulously constituted the ruling ideology. In conclusion, the Myungrang Manwhas are rather texts that encompasses political and social context of the era than a mere comic relief.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.112-129
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• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.143-160
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• 2016

The official development assistance (ODA) accompanies an interstate financial transaction, such as trade, foreign direct investment, and money transfer. ODA policy has designated several purposes. Among them, political purposes have been considered to be the key factors in the regional distribution of foreign aid. If we agree the traditional approach that recognizes ODA as a 'political one', the practice of ODA can be a kind of state geopolitics. This study investigates the construction and characteristics of geopolitical discourses. More specifically, this study pays special attention to the 'practical geopolitics' that is crucial to the policy-making. By analyzing the minutes of the National Assembly Standing Committee, four geopolitical discourses were identified: 'practicing humanities as a developed country', 'providing a role model to developing countries', 'developing new foreign markets' and 'coping with global geopolitics'. These geopolitical discourses have been constructed through the process of justifying the ODA policy to the domestic and international audiences. Constructing discourses on ODA shows the representation of a dichotomous and typical image of developed/developing.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing Administration
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.373-380
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• 2002

Purpose : The purpose of this study is to analyze the history of nursing and medicine as phenomena of knowledge/power from the viewpoint of Foucault. Method : The present study adopts the genealogical method by Foucault, which tries to unite languages and knowledge. Foucault who attempted to show that the basic ideas which people normally take to be permanent truths about human nature and society change in the course of history. Results : It has been emphasized that the development of modern health care has been due to the progressive efforts of medicine and to medical discoveries. Foucault examines the institutionalization of knowledge and the power exerted thereby, with special reference to the devices of social regulation and their function over the madness, the disease, the crime, and the sexuality. The concept of power is that it is exerted spontaneously in verbal behaviors of individuals through knowledge of everyday life such as definition of body or mind. Therefore as to the problem of knowledge/power, this study tries to understand the meaning of history of nursing and medicine through an analysis of the formation of text of history. In order to have authority in a power relation, the medical professional asserts that medical discourse is the most scientific knowledge. Conclusion : According to the above findings, it can be concluded that the body is also directly invested in a political field: power relations have an immediate hold upon it; they invest it, mark it, train it, torture it, force it to carry out tasks, to perform ceremonies, to emit signs. Therefore the devaluation of nursing care is reinforced by the medicine which has the legitimate authority through use of the political skills about the body.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.31 no.5
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• pp.573-585
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• 2023

Comprehending the prevailing ideals of the body within a specific era requires grasping the intricate interplay between social phenomena and the evolution of clothing. Accordingly, this study investigates the distinctive facets of the perception of the Neo-Confucian body as reflected in men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty. We examine a comprehensive body of scholarship, literature, and historical records concerning the body and dress. Additionally, we also employ a framework developed by M. Y. Kim, which categorizes the Neo-Confucian body in three ways: as the natural body, the cultural body, and the body as a fully-realized moral subject. Our findings unveil three crucial insights: firstly, guided by Neo-Confucian discourse positing appearance as a manifestation of innate energy (氣), men's dress was deliberately designed to demarcate stylistic distinctions in women's dress; secondly, the Chinese gwan (冠) was employed as a tool of self-cultivation (修身) to symbolize the legitimacy of Joseon's Neo-Confucian governance; and thirdly, sim-ui (深衣), a philosophical emblem of Confucianism extensively represented across through an intensified exploration of historical sources, served as a means to consolidate the political standing of the Neo-Confucian faction. As a consequence of these factors, the attire of noble men conferred upon them both sexual and moral ascendancy as political entities; men's dress became a visual manifestation of the legitimacy of their power, thus embodying Neo-Confucian ideals. This study carries significance by applying a discourse analysis approach to Korean dress research and elucidating the factors underlying the development of men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.531-540
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• 1997

The purpose of this study is to reinterpretate the history of nursing and health care from the view-point of post-structuralism. It has been emphasized that the development of modern health care has been due to the progressive efforts of medicine and to medical discoveries. Medicine has dominated the history of health care rather than nursing or other health professions. The present study adopts the post-structural method by Foucault, which tries to unite language and knowledge. Foucault examines "the institutionalization of knowledge and the power exerted thereby, with special reference to the devices of social regulation and their function over the madness, the disease, the crime, and the sexuality. " The concept of power in Foucault's writing is that it is exerted spontaneously in verbal behaviors of individuals through knowledge of everyday life such as definition of body or mind, sexuality and relationship of family. Therefore as to the problem of power, this study tries to understand the meaning of the health care history through an analysis of the formation of medical discourse. In order to have authority in a power relation, the medical professional asserts that medical discourse is the most scientific knowledge. The authority of medical professionals can be reinforced by the fact that male medical professionals outnumber female. Devaluation of nursing care is reinforced by the medicine which has the legitimate authority through use of the political skills.

• Journal of the Korea Safety Management & Science
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.1-15
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• 2005

Recently in Korean Society, risk and safety has become a central discourse in not only the social and natural science but also political decision making. The efficient organizational management contributes to controlling the risk factors in the workplace. For the management is influenced and improved by the organizational culture, the alternatives more than simply improving the work environment or enforcing the education of safety on each workers are required. This study was the status of safety culture in organizational members(managers and workers, and specialist) including the attitude on the safety atmosphere and risk perception, and experiences, knowledges, motivation etc. For this part, the method of questionnaire and statistical analysis are mobilized. The degree of safety commitment of organization members appears relatively high (3.97 in five scale estimation), but there are variations in this results according to socio-demographic characteristics. At the same time, managers and professionals actively participation in the program related to safety than workers in production/sales. The higher income level and career is the more attention to the safety is. Based on this survey, we make an rough suggestion of several tasks to the policy -makers: improvement of communication on the risk and safety is required and in particular, the workers in the relatively low level in production/sales. The education system about safety which is, with one-side, provided by government or managers turns out to be inefficient. Rather, small group performance of the organizational members which they participate in the communication with interaction in the various discourse are able to provoke the safety mood in workplace.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.203-218
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• 2007

The early eighteenth century witnessed the birth of homosexuality as an identity and the emergence of a homosexual subculture in Britain. The homosexual subculture revealed itself through identified walkways and parks, gestures by which men might signal their interests to each other, and meeting places called "molly houses" where homosexuals could gather in relative safety. As early as 1703 the homosexuals seem to have overrun London. Homosexuals in eighteenth-century Britain provides a figure on which a variety of social anxieties could be displaced. Homosexuality is partly sexual transgression; mostly, it represents a variety of class, national, political transgressions. The association of British homosexuality with the fashion for Italian tastes was commonplace, and the growth of homosexuality was regarded as the greatest threat to the glorious Britain by destroying all its masculine virtues. Homosexuality was widely believed to be particularly common among the aristocracy and to be symptomatic of the increasing depravity of that class. The radicals in eighteenth-century Britain did not hesitate to exploit the surge in homophobia. They identified aristocratic patronage as one of the aristocratic practices that encouraged homosexuality and thus stigmatized the sort of male bonding that helped sustain aristocratic hegemony.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.87-108
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• 2023

From the time it was propagated to Vietnam until it was forced to relinquish its leadership position in both politics and philosophy, Confucianism in Vietnam was never orthodox Confucianism. This study employs the theory of invented tradition to examine how Confucianism penetrated the ethnic Vietnamese community at the turn of the first millennium and points out its vital requirement: the construction of a Chinese-style centralized administrative government based on Neo-Confucianism. This requirement unfolded during the Le So Dynasty in the fifteenth century. Moreover, the theory of invented tradition can also be applied to discover the motivation behind Neo-Confucianism's process of manufacturing orthodoxy to speed up the goal of Sinicization. Somehow, the launching of the imperial examination system, meant to fulfill a system of bureaucracy, ended up resolving one of the greatest challenges of medieval times. It is to seek the ruler's uncritical submission to the ruled. This article applies hauntology to analyze two forms of Confucianism discourse in Vietnam. In doing so, this study determined that Confucianism evolved into its own unique system of thought in Vietnam and in the end, was not even recognizable as Confucianism. Throughout Vietnam's turbulent history, Confucianism shifted from a symbol of progress to one of backwardness. This culminated Vietnam's preoccupation with the de-Sinicization during the early twenty-first century.