• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.88-118
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• 2014

This study attempted to clarify (1) the meaning of 'people's livelihood (Minsaeng, 民生)' conveyed by the newspapers in Korean society and the specific matter it refers to, and (2) consider the discourse formed by the newspapers and what does and does not change in that discourse over the passage of time. Editorials were classified and analyzed based on the framework of Fairclough's critical discourse analysis(CDA). It was clear, from the political perspective, that the discourse was respectively formed and changed for each administration. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' was critical and at the same time generally negative, because it dealt with the important social incidents or controversies of the time. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' related to the massive social streams of Korea's democratization and globalization process. Whereas the discourse on 'people's livelihood' in the 1990s, seen from an economic perspective, tried to resolve labor strikes, inflation rate, housing problem, and financial crisis. The discourse in the 2000s changed to issues ranging from economic growth and distribution to bi-polarization problem, job creation, abolishment of non-regular employments, etc. The meaning of 'people's livelihood' produced in the editorials of the major daily newspapers is different from the word's dictionary definition as 'the people's lives'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.5-25
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• 2013

Korean society suffers from severe divisions represented by bi-polarization and collapse of the middle class. Intensive demanding on expanding social welfare budget has emerged in accordance with such a dramatic shift. Social consensus moving toward well-financed welfare policy, however, happens to meet political opposition supported by the discourse of fiscal soundness. This paper thus pays particular attention to deciphering the discursive structure in way of understanding how discourses bring public policy into play. For this purpose, news articles about fiscal soundness collected from 8 national newspapers have been analyzed in terms of frame, attitude, perspective and world view. Research results show, first of all, that there exist persistent competition between two frames identified as 'reduced tax with fiscal discipline' and 'increased tax with welfare money.' While the 'reduced tax' frame favors in maintaining tax cut at the expense of welfare budjet, the frame of 'increased tax' supports such arguments as the flexible employment of fiscal soundness and prosperity of national community helped by widening tax revenues. Also did these frames include a number of sub-frames like welfare populism, partisan politics, trickle down effect, tax bonanza for the rich, universal welfare and market over-reactions in order to bolster its logical authority. Media's active taking a part in penetrating supportive frames in line with political stance was found as well. Taking into account both the discursive structure upheld by frames and politics materialized by the media, the authors argue that public policies should be considered more as discourse than fixed reality. Shedding additional light on understanding the interplay among public opinion, policies and media discourse is of another importance for further study.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.87-95
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• 2016

Considerable research over the years has been devoted to ascertaining the impact of social media on political settings.In recent days, Social Network Sites (SNS) such as Facebook allowed users to share their political beliefs, support specific candidates, and interact with others on political issues. This study examines the role of SNS as the means of political campaign. The study tasks the case of the 2015'sspecial election, Seoul Korea. The analysis aims to identify how candidates use Facebook or Twitter to interact with voters by applying functional theory of political campaign discourse developed by Benoit. In this study, we analyzed the candidates' SNS messages in terms of political behavior such as self-expression, informing policy, asking voters to participate in political events. Among them the results indicated that two candidates, Jung, Dong Young and Byun, Hee Jae, both of them used SNS to express themselves the most. The study also found that two candidates used mainly the strategy called 'acclaim' which praises their own strengths. In terms of topics of SNS messages (policy versus character) there was different between two candidates. Jung, sent message in relation to 'character' the most, while Byun contained 'policy' message on SNS the most. Based on these findings implications and directions for future studies are discussed.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.23-65
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• 2009

This study originates from the examination of both Soviet Russia's and contemporary Russia's tabula rasa that numerous comprehensive national exertions have been trying to overcome, relying on the creation of numerous national emblems, political symbols, and even folkloric materials. With this mind, this work substantiates how the political and cultural symbols have been created in the contemporary socio-political and socio-cultural discourse in Russia. As with the political symbols that most recently been studied by Lee Trepanier, it must be recognized that contemporary social movements and political discourses have failed to "articulate a concrete political vision that reflects a consensus among elites, nor have any gained popular support" as the author confessed already. Concomitant to this general consensus, as Roy Medvedev has put it, we can contend that "today's leaders in Russia have no new ideology, and the mass of the people have no strong new national idea."

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.210-236
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• 2021

China's Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure connectivity and other projects are presented in much of the discourse as a grand strategy to trap developing nations in debt, to exert asymmetric power and construct a new world economic order. The asymmetric relationship between China and Myanmar might therefore be expected to generate a range of political risks for stakeholders. Myanmar itself presents a "perfect storm" of problems, with dysfunctional governance, civil conflict, under-development and growing economic dependence on China. The Kyaukphyu port project and associated Special Economic Zone in Myanmar's troubled Rakhine state is investigated as a case study of risks on the Belt and Road. While worst case fears China might seize military control of the port appear unlikely, at least in current conditions, empirical observation indicates the complexity on the ground generates an array of other risks - as well as opportunities, should conditions allow. Further, despite challenges and constrained capacity, Myanmar governments have demonstrated agency, including by re-negotiating control and costs of the Kyaukphyu project. The case underlines that conditions are more complicated than simply China's asymmetric power. A sceptical approach is taken to normative discourses in order to build inductive understanding of how stakeholders and local experts perceive dynamics underway. A political risk approach is deployed to develop a framework to identify, analyse and assess risks for actors in relation to the Kyaukphyu project. The research findings are presented on an interim basis, given current constraints on field interviews due to the current crisis.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.331-341
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• 2021

This paper analyzed the discourse on writing by experts such as writers, novelists, and writing instructors appearing in YouTube videos through narrative analysis methods. According to the analysis, the five key topics comprising writing discourse were: Active reading for writing, Nonstop writing and writing more, Rewriting 10 times more than talent, Writing in spoken language in the era of one-person media, Sharing feedback on social media. The writing discourse of professionals illustrated the change in writing in the age of social media. First, it was confirmed that the writing culture shifted from reading to writing and rewriting. Second, writing in the social media era naturally showed that the spoken language of writing became the dominant code. Third, it has been confirmed that writing in the social media era is social writing of cooperation and sharing that openly share feedback. These findings will have significant implications for future research on media and writing

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.6 no.11
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• pp.56-64
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• 2006

It seems that there has been a tendency of faction film which reveals imagination of state/nation. As typical examples, & would show the relationship between some factional imagination and the project of blockbuster. In this regard, I've researched the tradition of cinematic representation of state/nation and some historical aspects which reveal the being of official films ruled by oppressive political intention. As a kind of discourse dealing with state/nation, & have specific strategy of representation. The analysis about that process might enable us to understand what is nationalism and what is the nature of ideological discourse consumed by faction-related products.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.126-143
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• 2020

Since 2008, strategic partnerships have been established between China and Korea. From 2009 to 2019, the bilateral relationship kept a generally stable rate of development with conflicts and uncertainties. It is necessary to study national image construction in the respective mainstream media of the two countries. The present study analyzed Korea-related reports (N = 744) in the People's Daily from 2009 to 2019, aiming to examine the Korean national image framing under Fairclough's three-dimensional Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) framework: "whatness," "how," and "whyness." The results shed light on what the Korean national image in the People's Daily was and how and why it was framed in that way. This study provided some implications for readers to further recognize the role that media play in constructing a particular image of one country and a frame for researchers to study foreign national image framing in one of China's mainstream newspapers.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.20
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• pp.211-224
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• 2010

In David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly and Shirley Lim's Joss and Gold, two Asian-American texts exploring the relationship between America and Asia, the classic Orientalist motif of the infinitely submissive oriental female is reworked to articulate an Asian response to American hegemony. Both works mobilize the Asian female as a figure of contestation to destabilize and reconceptualize the patriarchal and Orientalist strategies of Western cultural and political domination. This paper explores the tactically different though strategically similar counter-discursive moves adopted in the two works to suggest a broader cultural realignment in Asian-American relations.