• 수산경영론집
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• 제42권3호
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• pp.63-78
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• 2011

This study looked into conflicts of government policies for oil spill sites which are focusing on Taean-gun after the oil spill in Taean-gun and examined the effects on the conflicts. There are lots of conflicts on the on-going restoration project of fishing ground environment(fishing ground inspection, restoration program development, improvement in fishery biology ecosystem and fishery productivity). For example, these show diverse conflicts between business associates, project processes, business subjects, project participation, and the use of fishing ground. This study found out the first reason of dissatisfaction and conflicts is that there is a difference between groups in terms of political aims and perception. Secondly, lack of communication and cooperation between the center and the provinces, organizations in the provinces, the local government and fishing village cooperatives, fishermen in the fishing industry. Thirdly, the local government and the fishing village head don't show their leadership to improve project performance.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.236-262
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• 2012

Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.

• 영어영문학
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• 제58권5호
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• pp.975-999
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• 2012

This paper interrogates what a new point Schmitt shows concerning the problem of sovereignty in Hamlet or Hecuba in comparison with his Political Theology. Schmitt reveals his political stand on sovereignty through ‘political representation’ that connects the politics to the aesthetics in Hamlet or Hecuba since Hamlet is above all aesthetic work as play. He stresses the determining effect of political reality over the play as he links the story of Hamlet to the tragic family of James I and the religious conflicts of the Stuart dynasty. This leads to, on the one hand, supporting the myth of absolute sovereignty by elevating Hamlet to the transcendental and the exceptional status of sovereign. However, Schmitt’s intent over the absolute sovereignty is, on the other hand, demolished with the two shadows that he scrutinized through the couple of Hamlet and James I: first, the suspect that Gertrude(Mary Stuart) was involved in the murder of Hamlet(James I)’s father, and second, the century’s conflicts with religious reformation and civil war. The perils of sovereignty are manifested not only in these two, “the taboo of the Queen,” and “the Hamletization of the avenger.” It is most of all evidenced in Hamlet itself that subverts the unconditional sovereignty consistently. Hamlet’s selfreflective remarks likening the king to the beggar and the reality of Denmark succession prove that Hamlet’s political discourse is totally different from the politics that accentuates the divine sovereignty.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.59-85
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• 2021

中国的公共外交在与韩国和台湾等周边国家地区发展关係方面有着很大的贡献。但当东北亚地区发生巨大的秩序变动或与台湾和韩国发生政治安保矛盾时,中国的公共外交却无法发挥缓解紧张关係并提供解决方案的角色。为什么中国公共外交无法在缓解与周边国家的政治安保矛盾中充分发挥其作用？本研究着重于中国的体制特性会对公共外交的目标,战略以及行为人和行为所带来的影响。具体来说,嚮往着与西方国家相反的政治价值与体制的中国通过公共外交所追求的目标以及战略的确与众不同。台湾和韩国以及其他东北亚的周边国家都有着迥然不同的体制。因此,为了在这些国家地区推动公共外交,通常都会利用彼此共有的歷史文化议题。这些特征可以视为说明中国公共外交在政治安保矛盾方面弱点的主要关键。不仅如此,以中国权威主义的政治以及国家-社会关係为由,也可说明中国一丝不乱并具系统性的中国公共外交推进体制以及成果。但另一方面,本论文也会提出为什么中国公共外交在与周边国家发生的政治安保矛盾方面无法有效地起缓衝作用的原因。本研究以此分析框架为基础,并探讨上文所提研究问题的答案。

• 의정연구
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

불과 5년 전 역대 최대의 지지로 그 영향력을 과시하던 한국 보수정당의 현재는 '몰락'이라는 표현이 무색하지 않을 정도로 극적이다. 도대체 왜 보수후보와 보수정당에 대한 지지는 불과 5년이라는 짧은 기간에 그토록 하락하였는가? 이 글은 한국 보수의 몰락을 보수성향의 유권자들과 보수후보 그리고 보수정당 사이의 정책입장과 태도인식에 있어서 괴리가 점차 강화된 결과, 보수성향의 유권자들이 정치적 참여에 소극적으로 변화한 까닭이라고 주장한다. 분석의 결과, 2016년 적극적인 정치참여자로 존재했던 보수성향의 유권자들은 탄핵 이후 스스로의 이념성향과 일치되는 정당과 후보에 대해 확신을 잃게 되었고 이러한 인식의 부조화는 이들의 정치적 의사결정을 어렵게 만들었을뿐 아니라 종국에는 정치참여에도 소극적인 집단으로 변모시켰다. 반면, 진보성향의 유권자들은 탄핵 이후 이념성향과 일치되는 정당과 후보에 대해 더욱 강하고 견고한 호감을 갖게 되어 손쉬운 정치적 의사결정을 할 수 있어 적극적으로 정치에 참여하고 있었다. 이러한 결과는 결국 스스로의 성향에 맞는 후보와 정당의 존재와 부재(不在)가 유권자들의 정치참여에 결정적인 동기이며 한국의 보수정당이 지금의 위기를 극복하기 위해 집중해야 할 지점임을 알려준다.

• 영어영문학
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• 제57권2호
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• pp.265-284
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• 2011

This paper examines how Sedgwick makes a political allegory of founding the nation in domestic terms in The Linwoods (1835). Set in the Revolutionary period, The Linwoods is a historical fiction reconstructed by the writer in order to diagnose currently controversial issues. In this aspect, Sedgwick's interest in history is genealogical in Foucaudian sense. Foucault's genealogical method provides a way of recuperating a part of history hidden, submerged, obliterated by the official history. Seen in a genealogical perspective, the story of the Linwoods can be viewed as a political allegory in order to explore political conflicts of Sedgwick's own day. Faced with the threat of national disunion presented in the Nullification Crisis of sectional conflicts and divisions, Sedgwick attempts to provide a fictional solution to the first serious challenge to the U. S. Constitution. Going back to the times around the American Revolution, Sedgwick emphasizes how strenuously the American Constitution of America was formed as the outcome of the war against the tyranny of Britain, and how the Union was made on the basis of the cooperation between the States. By posing a contrast of political positions between family members, Sedgwick imagines a family/nation that allows diverse political positions. The conclusion of a diversity of marriages between man and woman who agree to be united after overcoming their differences in political affiliations seems to show her conservative proclivity to support the Union. However, by emphasizing the principles of freedom and equality represented by the significant role of Isabella and Rose, an African-American slave, in the victory of the American Revolution, Sedgwick also supports the spirit of the Jacksonian American democracy.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.202-221
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• 2022

The media has depicted an abrupt socio-technological change in the Republic of Korea with the 4th Industrial Revolution. Because technologies cannot realize their potential without social acceptance, studying conflicts incurred by such a change is imperative. However, little literature has focused on conflicts caused by technologies. Therefore, the current study investigated media coverage regarding conflicts related to the 4th Industrial Revolution from 2016 to 2020 in the Republic of Korea, applying text-mining techniques. We found that the overall amount and coverage pattern conforms to the issue attention cycle. Also, the three major topics ("SMEs & Startups," "Mobility Conflict," and "Human & Technology") indicate quarrels between conflicting social entities. Moreover, the temporal change in media coverage implies the political use of the term rather than technological. However, we also found the media's deliberative discussion on the socio-technological impact. This study is significant because we expanded the discussion on media coverage of technologies to the realm of social conflicts. Furthermore, we explored the news articles of the recent five years with a text-mining approach that enhanced the objectivity of the research.

• 한국인구학
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• 제33권3호
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• pp.75-99
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• 2010

이 논문의 목적은 한국사회의 세대갈등을 권력갈등, 이념갈등, 문화갈등으로 구분하여 갈등 형성의 배경과 실태를 분석하고 그 함의를 논의하는 데 있다. 실태 분석을 위하여 관공서의 집합 자료와 경험적 연구결과들이 활용되었다. 우선, 세대간 권력갈등의 핵심은 권력 이양시기를 둘러싼 충돌에 있다. 세대간 권력갈등을 의회 권력에 국한시켜 볼 때, 정권교체기의 이념적 지향의 부침과는 무관하게 젊은 의원들의 비율이 꾸준히 증가하는 저(低) 연령화 추세가 지속되고 있었다. 이러한 세대교체 추세는 당분간 다른 영역에서도 유지될 것으로 보인다. 다음으로, 세대간 이념갈등은 2002년 대선 전 후 극대화되었으나 04년 총선 이래 점차 완화되었다. 그러나 조건의 변화에 따라 일정한 계기가 주어지면 다시 활성화될 수 있을 것이다. 마지막으로, 문화 격차의 견지에서 볼 때 세대균열의 깊은 골은 대략 출생시점 1970년경을 중심으로 형성되었다. 문화갈등의 축을 성장주의 대 소비주의, 집단주의 대 개인주의, 권위주의 대 탈권위주의로 설정하여 갈등의 배경과 실태를 검토했다. 세 유형의 갈등 중 문화갈등의 역기능에 주목해야 한다. 세대간 문화격차 확대는 상호 의사소통을 방해하며 상호 교류와 공동 활동 기피라는 결과를 낳을 수 있기 때문이다. 문화갈등 완화를 위해, 사회 제 부문의 부조리와 비리 척결 그리고 세대 통합 프로그램을 활용하는 방안 등이 제시되었다.

• 고전문학과교육
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• 제34호
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• pp.193-222
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• 2017

이 글에서는 <계축일기>의 성격에 대한 이해를 심화하기 위해 작품의 역사적 맥락과 작품에 제시된 갈등의 층위, 그리고 갈등의 제시 방식 등을 검토하였다. 작자는 내인들의 갈등과 수난을 상당한 비중을 두어 자세하게 다루고 있다. 이는 작자가 그것을 단순히 광해군과 인목대비의 갈등에서 파생된 부수적인 문제로 파악하고 있지 않다는 것이고, 따라서 광해군과 인목대비에 초점을 맞춰 이 작품을 이해하는 것이 작품의 실상과 거리가 있다는 것을 의미한다. 또한 이 작품에서는 대화를 빈번하게 교체 인용하여 갈등의 첨예함과 심각성을 효과적으로 드러내고, 갈등을 매개하는 인물을 형상화하여 사람의 욕망이 갈등을 어떻게 확대 심화시키는지 구체적으로 제시하고 있으며, 삽화를 나열하여 갈등의 상대방에 대한 비판과 자기들이 겪어야 하는 고통의 부당함을 강조하고 있다. 요컨대 작자는 갈등이 사람들 사이의 문제이고, 사람의 욕망이나 부정적 성격으로 인해 그것이 야기되고, 또 심화되기도 한다는 입장에서 광해군과 인목대비 양측의 갈등을 바라보고 있다고 할 수 있다. 흔히 광해군의 성격과 당시의 역사적 사건을 허구적으로 왜곡 과장한 점을 이 작품의 문제점, 혹은 이 작품을 소설로 보아야 하는 근거로 제시한다. 하지만 그것은 먼저 작자가 당시 상황을 정치나 역사의 관점이 아니라 사람에 초점을 맞춰 파악한 결과로 이해하는 것이 바람직하고, 이 작품의 문학적 성격과 가치도 그러한 점에서 찾아야 할 것으로 생각한다.

• 한국조리학회지
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• 제6권3호
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• pp.99-118
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• 2000

This study attempts to identify the level of conflicts occurring between foreign and domestic chefs, and to suggest the way of controlling those conflicts in order to well manage human resources, foreign chefs. Based on the empirical research, the research findings shows that in terms of targeting and achieving objectives different level of conflicts are experienced when age, hotel type, position varies. For example. purchasing excessive foreign foods may cause undesirable stock which will lead to considerable loss. In order to overcome this problem the advantages of the chain-operated and the independent hotel's food purchasing system must be incorporated. Secondly, another conflicts arise when the architecture and system of a kitchen is different from what foreign chefs are familiar with. Kitchen architecture and system should be well-designed in terms of delivery channel, sanitation, safety, food control, banquet etc.. In developing menu, chefs often have different criteria in the scale of sweet and salt of a particular dish. Foreign chefs often blame his subordinates for not meeting his requirements without proper training or education. Finally, because of the different culture, communication as well as the lack of mutual understanding problem occur. Even though today is called global town. some chefs do not seem to open their minds to learn other developing countries' culture. In diversity management aspect, chefs need to put much effort to be aware of other countries' culture, history, political and economic situation. In prior to employing foreign chefs, the job enrollment and description must be prepared so as to minimize the conflicts, which otherwise will create poor job performance.