• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.217-227
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• 2020

Purpose - Against the backdrop of the recent intense political conflict in Korea's political circles, it is to reveal from an economic point of view the hidden aspects behind the hostile conflict between the two political forces. Design/methodology/approach - This paper is not a normative study to find a solution to political conflict, but a positive study to reveal the mechanism of reciprocity that exists between the two parties of conflict in real politics. Therefore, the analysis is based on game theory methodology. Findings - It is shown that the ruling party should choose a level of preemptive response that is neither insufficient nor excessive if it aims to avoid radical anti-government struggles by opposition parties. We also find that even if the chances of success of the opposition's radical offensive struggle are low, the use of that strategy is not necessarily reduced. In addition, we have obtained comparative static results that do not deviate much from our intuition. What's interesting is that unlike our intuition that the choice of the method will be indifferent if the marginal effects of radical and normal methods of struggle are the same, the opposition party rather chooses the normal method of struggle more often. Research implications or Originality - In forming the analytical model, it reflected the support of the general public following the opposition's struggle against the ruling party in order to capture real politics well in the conflict between the two opposing parties.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.51-81
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• 2015

The main purpose of this study is to seek better approach which explains reciprocal causality associated with factors causing social conflict and improving social integration respectively. Throughout this study, there are several important implications how social conflict can be solved in South Korea. In particular, government and policy makers in political sector should create an environment of social integration through political reforms by switching from vertical structure to horizontal structure and by encouraging ordinary people to actively participate in the policy-making processes and political activities. In economic sector, government and stakeholder associated with a certain economic issue should induce a change in the economic environment for social integration, focusing on distribution of wealth and employment stability. In social and cultural sectors, it is necessary to solve social and cultural problems (e.g., generation gap and conflict between the young and the old, multi-ethnic families, and lack of communication) by exploring better ways to establish an altruism and to interact with each other. In psychological sectors, PsyCap(Positive Psychological Capital) will help ordinary people to crate positive thinking and lead to social integration. For instance, political leaders having PsyCap are able to communicate with the people and can help the people to build positive main influencing on social integration. Finally, the improvement of the system is required because the improvement of insufficient system is the basis for reasonable and equitable social integration.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.3 no.1 s.5
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• pp.105-156
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• 2003

This paper aims to explore the cause and aspect of inter-ministerial policy conflict and its coordination in science and technology policy-making with the case of science and technology basic law-making process in Korea. This law-making processes are analysed through the three periods for the last 10 years starting 1992, such as law-formulation(1st) period, interim law-making (2nd) period, and final law-making(3rd) period. Based on these steps, it tries to concretely describe the phenomenon of policy conflict and the coordination mechanism among government departments and analyses the characteristics of dynamic interaction and mutual adjustment among the related agencies. The analysis is mainly focussed on the underlying causes and determinants of policy conflict, the development and coordination process of the conflict, the strategies and logics of the conflict participants, and eliciting some policy implications for effective policy coordination among government departments. Research results are summarized as follows. First, in science and technology policy-making the main causes of policy conflict among government departments are attributed to the difference of policy-orientation and jurisdiction-orientation of each agency. During the first period, the main aspect of policy conflict was policy-oriented, during the second, the main aspects of policy conflict were both policy-oriented and jurisdiction-oriented, and during the third, policy-oriented conflict was dominant. Second, the dominant typology and strategies of policy coordination which the participants used were vertical-political and horizontal-analytic approach. During the first period, horizontal and analytical approach were used, during the second, horizontal and political approach are mixedly used, and during the third, vertical and political approach were dominantly used. Third, The Korean National Assembly and the ruling party played a pivotal role in science and technology policy-making process(the basic law-making process) in particular during the final period.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.71-80
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• 2014

This study focus on the legislative conflict for Se-Jong City In case of this paper, the law of administration agency centered is based on the conflict of legislative conflict present government at that time suggested the amendment of that legal status because of so many inefficiency and negative effects regardless of opponent asserts. Here there were a deep various political interests fundamentally both of sides. Legislative conflict here affects the regional conflict among the benefits and indirect benefits or nothing in any area. As the result, political interest deeply which was connected in politics influenced the big national issues, not to amend as a result government failure will be come.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.105-130
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• 2022

This paper argues that the war in Syria is partly the result of a global Islamist wave that contributed to fuelling conflict across large regions of Asia and Africa. Of course, the war that has consumed Syria since 2011 most certainly has multiple interrelated causes and driving forces, and any attempt to isolate one or even two or three runs the risk of advancing an overly simplistic interpretation of history. This essay, therefore, does not aim to offer an appraisal of the multiple variables that contributed to the war in Syria. Instead, it zeroes in on how political Islam came to impact Syria and its people. In doing so, it demonstrates how competing varieties of political Islam represented leading causes of conflict. Indeed, different Islamist movements contributed to the outbreak of the war in 2011, fuelled the conflict for years on end, and to this day represent major obstacles to the achievement of sustainable peace. Four broad Islamist currents are especially relevant to the case of Syria: the Muslim Brotherhood; the Shia revivalist movement at the nexus of the alliance between Iran, Hezbollah, and Syria; Salafi jihadism and its volatile and fractious underworld of competing armed groups, from Al-Qaeda to the Islamic State; and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's market-friendly Islamism, which induced Turkey to intervene in Syria's civil war.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.45-78
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• 2019

This study examines the relationship between individuals' perceptions on party conflict and affective polarization. It pays particular attention to party identification as a moderating variable. Using a survey conducted in the context of the 2014 Korean local election, the present study hypothesizes that perceiving serious inter-party conflict in the political arena is likely to increase negative feelings toward out-group political party among partisans only. Not only do the results confirm our hypothesis but suggest that conflict perception leads to affective polarization among partisan voters. This paper contributes to our understanding of the mechanism that links the attribution of blame to out-group political party for legislative gridlock with ever-growing affective polarization of the electorate.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.35-40
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• 2011

The recent listing of Preah Vihear Temple as a World Heritage Site has awakened a longtime simmering border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia over a few square kilometers surrounding the ancient Khmer Temple. While the listing of the site by UNESCO was expected to revive the economy of the impoverished border towns near the temple due to the increased tourism and funding for the preservation of the archeological site, it has had the opposite effect due to the sharp increase in violent conflict carried out by the armed forces and nationalist activists from both sides. Military skirmishes and violent protests have brought the local economy to a halt in addition to causing considerable physical damage to the local infrastructure and to the local transnational network of ethnic Kui, local business owners, Khmer and Thai villagers. This paper shows how the dispute is viewed and undertaken by three distinct communities involved in the conflict, the militaries, the metropolitan political elites and activists, and the local villagers. The three communities represent three different cultures of conflict with different interests and most importantly with differential access to the media and official representations of the dispute.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.7
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• pp.311-333
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• 2005

The national language in the divided Germany has undergone changes that are not simply 'linguistic' in nature but reflect on the diverse social activities that have contributed to the development of the country's political and economic systems. Accordingly, a study of the German language in the process of the division would necessarily involve looking into the socio-political dynamics of the period, in tandem with the study of the linguistic structure per se. This paper deals with the political situation of Germany during the period of 1945 through 1990 and the issues of territorial devision during that period with the view to clarifying the extra-linguistic factors behind the changes of the country's national language. This mode of explaining the heterogeneous linguistic changes that characterize post-war Germany will provide an opportunity to consider the classical issues of the relationship between linguistic changes and social ones in a new light.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.207-225
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• 2019

Despite a vast amount of research on the relationship between personality traits and political attitudes, little is known about the effects of personality on individuals' support for the political system of their own country. Using three nationally representative datasets from South Korea, the present study shows that the personality dimensions - particularly, Agreeableness - are positively associated with political support, which encompasses confidence in the presidency, confidence in the government, and national pride. These findings suggest that two facets of Agreeableness - trust and compliance - are activated in expressing individuals' support for their political system. Thus, mobilizing citizens who score high on Agreeableness is essential to maintain political stability and legitimacy, but such a task appears to be difficult, given that ideological polarization discourages them from being politically active due to their propensity to conflict avoidance.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.57-76
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• 2014

Conventional treatments of war diffusion focus extensively on dyadic relationships, whose impact is thought to be immutable over the course of the conf lict. This study indicates that such conceptions are at best incomplete, and more likely misleading to explain the spatial diffusion of wars. Using social network analysis, we examine war joining behavior during World War I. By employing social network analysis, we attempted to overcome the dichotomous understanding of geography as space and network in the discipline of conflict studies. Empirically, networked structural elements of state relationships (e.g., rivalry, alliances) have explanatory and predictive value that must be included alongside dyadic considerations in analyzing war joining behavior. In addition, our analysis demonstrates that the diffusion of conflict involves different driving forces over time.