• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.11-38
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• 2009

"Bioethics" may have various meanings depending on its roles. It may mean professional ethics for scientists and physicians, etc. It may also mean an academic discipline using interdisciplinary approach as well as a philosophical or a legal approach. "Bioethics" as an interdisciplinary study should often deal with public policy on bioethical issues. I call this role bioethics as a study of bioethics policy, which has to be developed as a new discipline. From this perspective, I deal with bioethical issues relevant to a human life before birth. There are various and often conflicting arguments about the moral status of a human life before birth such as the fertilization argument, the argument of genetic identity, so-called the "14 days" argument focusing on the formation of primitive streak, the argument of sentient being, and Michael Sandle's argument of an embryo as a being between a thing and a person. I argue that each of them is reasonable. Thus we are faced with reasonable disagreement on the views over whether a human life before birth has the same right to life as that of a person or whether right to life may be considered to be a matter of degree. If we acknowledge reasonable disagreement, as John Rawls pointed out, we should tolerate the views from ours in a plural society. Therefore, we cannot help making a policy that allows abortion and embryonic research with some limitations. When we say a certain act is morally permissible, "moral permissibility" does not mean that the act is morally right for all. Rather it means that the act cannot help being morally allowed for some persons although the others do not believe its moral rightness because they cannot right now rationally persuade others to accept their view.

• Journal of Information Technology and Architecture
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.393-407
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• 2014

The Government Informatization Policy Plan represents the government's technology policy vision and a set of ICT policy agenda and initiatives for the tenure of the government. The Policy Plan, however, normally produces an excess of disconcerted and superfluous ICT policy proposals from various policy units in the government. To cope with the superficiality of the ICT policy set in the Policy Plan, this paper proposes an analysis of the epistemology of the policy set. A policy is constructed as an argument and the structure of the policy argument is analysed using a model of argumentation. The findings show that the present informatization policy is driven by three epistemological motives - the production, consumption, and performance of the ICT Technology. The various assumptions and premises that underlie and direct the generation of ICT policy arguments with different motives are idenfied and then are exposed to strong rebuttal arguments to evaluate their epistemological tenability. The policy implications of the epistemological analysis are discussed in the end.

• Review of Korean Society for Internet Information
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.35-51
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• 2013

The Digital Cold War argument has become one of the heatedly discussed foreign policy agendas in the U.S. Considering the authority and power of the U.S. government and Internet companies in the cyberspace, this shift is not negligible in understanding not only the changes in the U.S. foreign and military policies but also that in the operations of the global Internet governance. Given these circumstances, I seek to explain the origins of and test the theoretical validity of the Digital Cold War argument. In particular, I analyze how the political concerns of the Chinese authorities shaped the characteristics of their control of the domestic Internet and their approach to the global Internet governance. The findings indicate that the Chinese way of the Internet governance is more concerned of their domestic political stability than overthrowing the current Internet governance regime, which many supporters of the Digital Cold War argument cited as the key evidence of such political contentions. Though the Digital Cold War argument is theoretically unwarranted, its growing popularity and the historical lessons of the Cold War have broad implications to the understanding of the impacts of the great power rivalries on the future Internet governance.

• Korean Journal of Logic
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.233-251
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• 2016

In their recent paper published in this journal Shin Kim and Jinyong Lee have attacked some previous studies on the counterexample to modus ponens. Among their arguments I would like to discuss the following two; first, those attempts to explain van McGee's example by reference to conditional probability do not accord with van McGee's position, second, van McGee'e example is to be best seen as an argument containing the fallacy of equivocation. I show that the first argument is not correct, the second one is not so persuasive as it seemed first.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.301-335
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• 2014

In this paper, we consider a small open economy under the New Keynesian model with unemployment of Gal$\acute{i}$ (2011a, b) to discuss the design of the monetary policy. Our findings can be summarized in three parts. First, even with the existence of unemployment, the optimal policy is to minimize variance of domestic price inflation, wage inflation, and the output gap when both domestic price and wage are sticky. Second, stabilizing unemployment rate is important in reducing the welfare loss incurred by both technology and labor supply shocks. Therefore, introducing the unemployment rate as an another argument into the Taylor-rule type interest rate rule will be welfare-enhancing. Lastly, controlling CPI inflation is the best option when the policy is not allowed to respond to unemployment rate. Once the unemployment rate is controlled, however, stabilizing power of CPI inflation-based Taylor rule is diminished.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-7
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• 2005

In this paper uses Kaname Akamatsu's 'Flying Geese' model to analyse Japan's role in East Asian integration. Japan made the first attempt to lead Asian countries before the Second World War. At that time, the Japanese Government embarked on a brutally expansionist policy the result of which was creation of the first gaggle of 'flying geese' under the name of the 'Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.' During the 'flight' Japan was forcefully imposing its own ideals and values on the rest of the 'gaggle.' At the same time, the Japanese Government assumed hostile attitude toward Western countries. Japan's defeat in the Second World War signified the end of flight for the first 'flying geese' gaggle. After the war, Japan made another attempt at regional integration. This time it was done through establishing a production network in East Asia. Thus the second gaggle of 'flying geese' came into existence. During the flight of the 'second gaggle' of geese, Japan was fostering good ties with Western countries as well, especially the United States. However, some leaders of the 'second gaggle's' member-countries emboldened by their countries' economic success proclaimed that future belongs to Asia and put forward the 'Asian values' argument. The Asian economic crisis of 1997 interrupted the flight of the 'second gaggle' and effectively put an end to the 'Asian values' debate. It is interesting to note that some elements of the 'Asian values' argument resembled ultranationalist discourse that had been dominant in Japan before and during the Second World War. This paper compares historical patterns of East Asian regional integration and highlights future challenges for Japan's Asia policy.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.1-29
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• 2003

This paper examines the dynamics of environmental policy development in Korea by reviewing some of the ways on how the policy windows have been opened. There are a lot of theoretical arguments about the major factors influencing policy development or changes. Many scholars have believed that severe pollution accidents or salient environmental episodes might have been the main motivation of environmental policy development. This line of argument seems valid, especially with the water pollution control policy in Korea. Water pollution control programs had rapidly expanded along with the series of water pollution accidents in the tap water sources from the late 1980s to mid-1990s. However, regarding other major env. issues, various other factors have played more important roles in the development of the relevant policies. In case of air pollution control policy international sport events such as, 1986 Asian Games, 1988 Summer Olympics, and 2002 World Cup Competition, have contributed for the development. The municipal solid waste management policy partly owed its development to the introduction of local autonomy system in the mid-1990s. Even the foreign currency crisis occurring in December 1997 helped the policy paradigm shift from rigid supply-oriented to soft demand-oriented approaches. After closely looking at the dynamics of environmental policy development in Korea, this paper tries to identify the logical background of the observed outcomes.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.133-144
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• 2013

It is commonplace to refer to the Nordic countries of Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland and Iceland as a distinctive and homogenous welfare regime. As far as social housing is concerned, however, the institutional heritage of the respective countries significantly frames the ways in which social housing is understood, regulated and subsidized, and, in turn, how housing regimes respond to the general challenges to the national welfare states. The paper presents a historical institutionalist approach to understanding the diversity of regime responses in the modern era characterized by increasing marketization, welfare criticism and internationalization. The aim is to provide outside readers a theoretically guided empirical insight into Scandinavian social housing policy. The paper first lines up the core of the inbuilt argument of historical institutionalism in housing policy. Secondly, it briefly introduces the distinctive ideal typical features of the five housing regimes, which reveals the first internal distinction between the universal policies of Sweden and Denmark selective policies of Iceland and Finland. The Norwegian case constitutes a transitional model from general to selective during the past quarter of a decade. The third section then concentrates on the differences between Denmark, Sweden and Norway in which social housing is, our was originally, embedded in a universal welfare policy targeting the general level of housing quality for the entire population. Differences stand out, however, between finance, ownership, regulation and governance. The historical institutional argument is, that these differences frame the way in which actors operating on the respective policy arenas can and do respond to challenges. Here, in this section we lose Norway, which de facto has come to operate in a residual manner, due to contemporary effects of the long historical heritage of home ownership. The fourth section then discusses the recent challenges of welfare criticism, internationalization and marketization to the universal models in Denmark and Sweden. Here, it is argued that the institutional differences between the Swedish model of municipal ownership and the Danish model of independent cooperative social housing associations provides different sources of resistance to the prospective dismantlement of social housing as we know it. The fifth section presents the recent Danish reform of the governance model of social housing policy in which the housing associations are conceived of as 'dialogue partners' in the local housing policy, expected to create solutions to, rather than produce problems in social housing areas. The reform testifies to the strategic ability of the Danish social housing associations to employ their historically grounded institutional relative independence of the public system.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.183-188
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• 2022

Educators have been making strides in the research into and practices supporting the policy of mainstreaming students with disability. A move towards including students with intellectual disability in community schools with all the other students can be seen in many countries' education systems, including that of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The 'rights of the child' has been the main argument put forward by advocates of this policy in an attempt to move from the medical to the social model. This study argues that, although mainstreaming can be viewed as a positive trend toward effective education, its implementation remains somewhat problematic. It is believed that more investigative research into professionals' attitudes is needed to improve service provision and inform the administration of mainstreaming practices. The attitudes of special education teachers on the policy of mainstreaming are examined and emerging key themes discussed. Furthermore, challenges that continue to inhibit mainstreaming practices in Saudi Arabia are identified.