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Study on the Words Carved on Seongdeokdaewang-Shinjong (Divine Bell of King Seongdeok) with a New Viewpoint (신라성덕대왕신종(新羅聖德大王神鍾)의 명문(銘文) 연구(硏究) -'사상성(思想性)' 탐색을 겸하여-)

  • Choi, Young Sung
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.56
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    • pp.9-46
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    • 2018
  • Seongdeokdaewang-Shinjong, the 29th National Treasure, is highly valuable as a study material in various aspects including the histories of ideology, Buddhism, politics, art-craft, Chinese character study, calligraphy, epigraphy and so on of the mid-time of Shinra. Compared with the people's interest in the Shinjong, however, the studies on the words carved on it have not been yet deepened. Such studies have not been yet overcoming the phase of decoding and translation of the words. Today, it is required to analyze and study the words systematically. This article starts with such critical mind. That is why the subtitle of this article is Research on the Background of Thoughts considering that this study must be followed by its 2nd study. This study has totally reviewed the decoding and annotation works that have been done so far. Byeonryeomun (騈儷文: a writing style of Chinese character) has been also studied on its written patterns. As a result, approximately 20 problems have been found and corrected. Especially, such key phrases as '工匠?模' and '日月?暉' have been translated in a new way to spotlight the importance of translation of the carved words. The words carved on the Shinjong are highly valuable to study in the aspect of ideology history. The words fully show not only Buddhist thoughts, Confucian thoughts and Taoist thoughts but also Korea's own unique thoughts, which are all melted in the words without any obstacle to each other. In general, they are highly philosophical words. The words are unique especially in the aspect: They give a meaning to the Shinjong based on the keyword Won-Gong (圓空: circle and empty) and suggest the key point of Buddhist thoughts and governing philosophy altogether. That is, they imply that King Seongdeok's political ideology and governing principle are connected to Pungryudo (風流道), Korea's own unique philosophy. This implication is key evidence that makes it possible to trace the context of transmission of Pungryudo. You should not miss also the phrases implying that there was a big argument between reform group based on Confucian thoughts and conservative group based on Korea's own unique thoughts.

Kim Youngjak(金永爵) and the new material, 『A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)』 (금영작(金永爵)과 한중 척독교류의 새 자료 『중조학사서한록(中朝學士書翰錄)』)

  • QIAN, JINMEI
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.167-206
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    • 2009
  • This paper discovers and introduces the collection of letters, "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" which was made by Kim Youngjak(1802~1868) who had collected the letters from Chinese intellectuals. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" is a collector which contains handwritten letters to Kim Youngjak from Chinese people such as cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰), and li wen yuan(李文源). Kim Youngjak had frequent meetings with Chinese intellectuals not only directly but also indirectly. He had exchanged letters with li bo heng(李伯衡), shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) for 30 years. In 1858, he went to Beijing and met Chinese intellectuals ye ming li(葉名澧), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), wu kun tian(吳昆田), cheng gong shou(程恭壽), and zhao guang(趙光). After coming back to Chos?n, he continued to exchange letters with them. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" contains autograph letters by Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals. It has ten letters for Kim Youngjak written by cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰) and so on. One letter and five poems which zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) wrote to the son of Kim are also contained. The letters by zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) shows a sincere friendship with Kim Youngjak. The relationship between li bo heng(李伯衡) (who had exchanged letters with Kim for 30 years) and his son li wen yuan(李文源) proves that the cultural interchange between Korea and China had lasted successively. Kim Youngjak has not been widely known in academic circles yet but should not be ignored for the study in the cultural interchange between Korea and China. He proposed to have a relationship with li bo heng(李伯衡) and shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) first and they sent back positively. Therefore, they had a literal and private relationship by only exchanging letters each other. Also considering the fact that Kim Youngjak, as a man of high birth, had a close relationship with Chinese intelletuals, we can notice that Chinese and Korean intellectuals had open minds based on sincerity and trust. This was possible because many intellectuals before him like Hong Daeyong made a basis of the tradition of companionship. At this point, the relationship between Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals and "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" have an important value. The collections of Kim Youngjak's works contain only several letters and poems which he sent to Chinese intellectuals. Accordingly, the letters in "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" are important to understand the aspects of their interchange.

Quest of Wang Yak-heo(王若虚)'s Theories of Poetry - With a focus on Three Volumes of 「Talks on Chinses Poetry」 among "the Collected Writings of Wang Yak-heo"(滹南遺老集) (王若虚的詩論探究(왕약허의 시론 탐구) - 以《滹南遺老集》中的《詩話》三卷爲主(『호남유로집』 중 「시화」 3권을 중심으로) -)

  • Jang, Yung-Ki
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.207-224
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    • 2009
  • This research is a quest of theories of poetry of Wang Yak-heo who was a literary critic during Chin(金) dynasty in ancient China. Wang Yak-heo left a fine piece of work, dubbed ${\ll}$Honam Yuro Jib${\gg}$ and, in this paper, the author closely reviewed the theories of poetry that is appeared, especially, in the three volumes of ${\ll}$Talks on Chinese Poetry${\gg}$ among the collections of Wang's poetry criticism. In particular, the author investigated the positive and negative aspects of Honam's commentaries on the works by Chinese poets, including his principles of poetics, creative skills, and practical criticism, etc. Wang Yak-heo has not been known much in the history of Chinese literary thoughts, however, his theory of criticism, especially, among the talks on Chinese the works by Chinese poets, his literature criticisms establish unique and distinctive point of views. Wang Yak-heo's poetics, more than anything else, valued nature, meanings, truth, and contents therein. He exhibited realistic view of literature. Meanwhile, he analyzed the methods of expression by Du Bo(杜甫, pronounced, "Du Fu" in Chinese), So Sik, also known as So Dong Pa (蘇軾, Su Shi or 蘇東坡, Su Dong Po in Chinese), and Hwang Jeong-gyeon(黃庭堅, Huang T'ing-chien), and highly evaluated the realistic poems written by Du Bo, Baek Geo-I (白居易, pronounced, "Bai Juyi" in Chinese), and So Sik. Also, he opposed to formalism or externality, however, he never made light of formality of poetry. In his comments on the works by Chinese poets, he highly evaluated the poems sung by So Sik and Beek Geo-I, in the mean time, however, he criticized their works without hesitation. Having set up his own unique criteria for critique, Wang didn't accept other opinions in a seemingly illogical manner, and he presented what he thoughts and other different points of view from others. Specifically, he attached great importance to whether or not modification of words and phrases, grammar, and whole context were congruent to one another and had been well harmonized. However, in his poetics, Wang was so wrapped himself in reasonableness or rationality, he analyzed each and every word in great detailed manner, as the result, he sometimes didn't read the sentiment or mood that the writers intended to express through poems. He excessively restricted himself to the words and phrases, so that he was not able to realize natural emotions and joy of imagination that were presented in the poems, and, in the end, this brought about adverse effects to the poet's thought.

Kobayashi Issa's ≪Shi jing≫ Hiku-ka and that meaning (소림일다(小林一茶)의 ≪시경≫ 배구화(俳句化) 양상 고찰)

  • Yu, Jeong-ran
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.68
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    • pp.539-570
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    • 2017
  • This article is for considering and looking through the meaning of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) Hiku-ka of Kobayashi Issa before reviewing and adapting Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Issa wrote his works by using Hyanghwa-Gucheop in 1803, and he had adopted it as his creative works of Hikai absorbing Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) for about half a year. There has been no national study about this so far, and this study covered the aspects of Issa's adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Japan and China. There have been several problems that the contents were limited to Guo-feng and there were no agreement of terminology as well among researchers. To overcome these limitations, therefore, this article aimed at all the works, rejected the view point as just a translation, and denominated this study as Haiku-ka. Above all, this study looked though Issa's Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) by splitting the aspects of Haiku-ka into borrowing topics and materials. In borrowing topics, the works with the topics of homesick and nostalgic parents stood out. Furthermore, annotations and understandings of Issa's original works were deeply involved. In borrowing materials, the original meanings in the works were transformed and changed or even reinterpreted by their own way. Eliminating sublime emotions, furious tone, and condemnation was main characteristic of Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). Besides, there were ways of exclusion of reasoning, deviating from the viewpoint of Sigyo(edification by poetry), not including moral senses. In other words, Issa used habits and impressions like the way of Haiku when he was doing Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). The meaning that Issa's Hiku-ka of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) stood out compared to adaptation of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Although Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Vietnam was transferred in the form of the poem in Vernacular, the meaning and contents were not changed. Moreover, the original works and characters in Joseon were not destroyed because Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) was not liberally translated but literally. However, Issa transferred the Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in the form of the poem in Vernacular to reveal the value of popular ballads. This was a different adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) from that in Eastern Asia.

The Leadership in Korean Confucianism and its Modern Characteristics : Chíjìng(持敬) to Zhìzhì(至治), the Leadership Wisdom (한국 유학의 리더십과 그 현대적 특징 - 지경(持敬)에서 지치(至治)로, 지혜의 리더십 -)

  • Kim, Dong-Min
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.23
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    • pp.7-65
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    • 2008
  • The object of this essay is to apply the Leadership Theory, current interest in Asian Philosophy, to Korean appliance. This is to associate contemporary Leadership Theory with Chosun Confucianism in order to discover the Korean Leadership Prototype, and seek the possibility of applying it for modern usage. The essay uses two analysis models. The tools used for the methodology consists of the personal characteristics of the leader as one axis and ruling out the roles in order to develop the discussion as the other axis. First axis is the process of the leader setting the identity and strengthening the ability to successfully deploy his/her leadership. The second axis is comprised of four specific fields where the leadership is deployed. The four sectors are Self Sector, Relationship Sector, Team Sector and Community Sector. Core values of each sector have been set up and specific competences have been presented. In the Self Sector, $zh{\grave{i}}x{\bar{i}}n$(治心) and $ch{\acute{i}}j{\grave{i}}ng$(持敬) have been set as core values and $l{\grave{i}}zh{\grave{i}}$(立志) and $sh{\acute{i}}x{\bar{i}}n$(實心) as their competences. In the Relationship Sector and Team Sector, circumstances(時宜) and $sh{\acute{i}}sh{\grave{i}}g{\bar{e}}ngzh{\bar{a}}ng$(實事更張) were set as core values, accordingly. Lastly for the Community sector, the core value, 'Ideal Leader and the Visions of and Ideal Community', was conceptualized as '$m{\grave{ui}}m{\acute{i}}nzh{\grave{i}}zh{\grave{i}}$(牧民至治)'. The leadership is then expanded from the Self Sector to the final stage through its processes. Through this research, it can be found out that the Korean Leadership Model is not rigid to just cover a specific point in time or situation, but embraces many contemporary leadership concepts, thus having the characteristics of a comprehensive leadership theory.

A Study on Jo Guimyeong's observation method and rhetoric of style of writing (조귀명이 제시한 정관(靜觀)의 관찰 방법과 골계(滑稽)의 수사(修辭))

  • Kim, Kwang seub
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.72
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    • pp.35-66
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    • 2018
  • This thesis has examined Jo Guimyeong's observation method and rhetoric of style of writing style. He tried to look at the world differently through observation and expressed relationship with the world through the style of comic. $J{\breve{o}}nggwan$ is a new way of looking at subjects and objects. It trust the senses and thoughts of the subject. So It is to clarify the circumstances and logic of the world from one's own point of view. In this case, it collides with the common thinking of the day. He put the reason and the action standard in the "taste" and the "mind". This means three things. First, he is proud that his reasons and actions are no different from those of a saint. Second, an individual is an independent being with different emotions and thoughts. Third, based on this, his works of literature have their own value. These reasons and actions were incarnated through '$J{\breve{o}}nggwan$(靜觀)'s observation methods. What he gained from the three stages of $J{\breve{o}}nggwan$(靜觀)' is the 'great mind'. The first step is self-reflection. It is the process of objectifying oneself. The second target is the appearance of things. It's about looking at everything equally, whether it's precious or vulgar. The third object of observation is a harmonic. He is joining the movement of the harmonizers. Therefore, one's own reasons, actions, and works of literature share the same meaning as those of a harmonizer. He said that the description can change according to his own knowledge. It means that you can fit the situation. A typical example was the analysis of 'Sung Bo hyung hwasangchan'<成甫兄畵像贊>. He described Park Moon-soo's life as the lives of officials through comic. Through this, He criticized Park Moon-soo's natural nature of the academic world. but the situation in which he can't escape from bureaucratic life by inducing laughter. This style of writing is one of the most representative features which was written by Jo Guimyeong writer.

On the Problems of Iphakdosoel and Chunmyongdosoel, as the philosophical background of the Four-Seven Debate (사칠논쟁(四七論爭)의 연원과 문제의식 - 『입학도설(入學圖說)』과 「천명도설(天命圖說)」을 중심으로 -)

  • Jang, Sook-phil
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.32
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    • pp.129-158
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    • 2008
  • After Four-Seven debate in late 16C, Korean Neo-Confucian scholars had developed their theories on human nature and morality such as Insimdosimsoel (theories on the moral emotion and desire), Inmulsoengron(theories on human nature and animal nature), Mibalsimcheron(theories on the calm mind as the embodiment of morality). Confucian scholars had been active member of society since acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. They had the plans of social reforms on the basis of moral self cultivation from the elite Confucians to commoners. So the Confucian scholar took part in the foundation of new Confucian kingdom, the Joseon Dynasty(1392). Kwon gun(1352~1409), the famous Neo-Confucian scholar wrote Iphakdosoel(pictogram for beginer of Neo-Confucianism) which emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and that the mandate of heaven in human nature is identical with Li, the moral principle which the origin of the human intrinsic moral ability as the basis of unity with man and heaven. He thought that ethical life is identical with mandate of heaven, so he insisted all the member of society should follow Li, the moral principle which the origin of human morality and social goodness. Also he emphasized the morality was the intrinsic and most important value of human being. Therefore ethical life became essential part of self cultivation. Joeng Ji-un(1509~1561) wrote the Chunmyongdosoel (pictogram of mandate of Heaven), the start point of Four-Seven debate in mid 16C. Joeng followed Kwon's theoretical line. He emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and the human intrinsic moral ability. He wrote that the Four moral emotions arise from Li, the moral principle of mind, while Seven emotions arise from Ki, vital force of body. He insisted that human being should control Ki, the vital force to follow the Li, the moral principle of mind. This Korean Confucian scholars developed theories of morality and self cultivation. This theories not only show the philosophical speculation of Korean Confucian scholars but also show the social idealism and moral utopianism which grounded on the human morality. So they had trust in human morality which can guide human being into the right track to the good and peaceful society. These tendencies are main characteristics of Korean Neo-Confucianism which has seen from the begining of acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. Some modern philosophical criticism which insist the Korean Neo-Confucian theories such as Four-Senven theories was indulged in academic discussion are not only neglect the historical realty but also ignore the potential of Korean Neo-Confucian heritage.

King Jeongjo's recognition on Neo-Confucian literati and it's historical meaning (정조(正祖)의 사대부(士大夫) 인식(認識)과 그 특징(特徵))

  • Park, Sung-soon
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.32
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    • pp.103-128
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    • 2008
  • King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

The study on the formation and influence about the epigraph form the Bal-Hae Dynasty (발해 묘지(墓誌) 양식의 형성배경과 영향)

  • Park, Jae bok
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.225-255
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    • 2009
  • Few data on the epigraph from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have been reported so far. The present paper, based on an examination of the style of the epitaphic tombstones of Princess Jeong-Hye and Princess Jeong-Hyo, investigates the historical formation and characteristics of Balhae's epitaphic style and its influences on the posterior periods. The epitaphs from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have the following epigraphic characteristics and historical significances. First, Bal-Hae's epitaphs are similar to those from the Goguryeo Dynasty in the sense that they are angular in their form. Tombstones with angular head first appeared during the East Han period. During the Wi-Jin period, however, as tombstones were not allowed to be erected in front of the tomb, small-sized epitaphic tombstones were set up inside tombs. Typical tombstones from the Dang Dynasty had stone pole and square cover. Unlike those from the Dang and the Tong-Il Silla Dynasties, however, the epitaphs from Bal-Hae had angular head in their tombstone body. The Bal-Hae's angular headed tombstones are very likely to testify that Goguryeo's epitaphs, which features an influence from the Wi-Jin Nambuk-Jo period, in turn exerted an effect on those from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Second, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones are characterized by their hexagonal head,which were modified from the then typical pentagonal head by cutting out the sharp point. The hexagonal head, which has not been found in its neighboring countries during the same historical period, is peculiar to the epitaphic tombstones from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Third, the edge lines and ornamental figures first appeared in Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones, as seen in those of Princess Jeong-Hye. In the fa?ade of the epitaphic tombstone, a carved line demarcates its rectangular body and trapezoidal head. Four faces of the body stonehave two parallel lines in their edges within which vignette was inscribed, and the trapezoidal head part was ornamented with flower figures. Fourth, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstone had an extensive influence on the posterior countries in its neighborhood. The epitaphic tombstones in the Bal-Hae style are very often found in those of the Goryeo Dynasty and the Yo Dynasty which were greatly influenced from Bal-Hae. The vestiges of Bal-Hae's epitaphic style are also found in those from the Song, the Geum, and the Won Dynasties.

A study on the mutual relation between logic of Simjuriseol and the movement to "reject heterodoxy" of Yi, Hang-no (화서(華西) 이항로(李恒老)의 심설(心說)과 척사논리(斥邪論理)의 상관(相關) 관계(關係))

  • Park, Sung-soon
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.257-286
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    • 2009
  • Yi, Hang-no said that taiji(=li) was Myeong-deok(illustrious virtue), the core of mind and heart, emphasizing the sides of superintendent and mysterious ability of li. It seems that he aimed to stress the upper status of li than qi, out of earlier general theory on mind and heart recognizing both li and qi consisted in the mind and heart. Through it, he wanted to say that only human being had moral mind like taiji and upper moral status than animals which human being should keep. The reason that Yi, Hang-no emphasized the difference between li and qi was because of a critical mind that the upper value of li than qi should not be changed and it would be the most dangerous situation if the value collapsed. Like this, Yi, Hang-no's attitude emphasizing li in his theory of mind and heart eventually aimed to explain the theory of Insim(Desire to be) and Dosim(Moral Mind). Yi, Hang-no's disciples testified that their teacher, Yi, Hang-no had cost his whole life to study the theory of Insim and Dosim. This means that Yi, Hang-no had tried to discriminate between Insim and Dosim, and to block private desires in Insim. The fact that Yi, Hang-no stressed the importance of the theory of Insim and Dosim had to do with the special situation that Western Power approached Joseon dynasty. Because Yi, Hang-no opposed the Westerner's moral consciousness for individual desires, against heavenly orders. To overcome the Western challenge, Yi, Hang-no strived to notice that taiji was the core of human mind. The point that Yi, Hang-no wanted to say was that Dosim(Moral Mind) was just the heavenly orders which human being couldn't disobey. Yi, Hang-no thought that Joseon couldn't defence Western flow without this theory of Insim and Dosim. Just after French invasion(1866), Yi, Hang-no was selected as a high-leveled bureaucrat, so he insisted his opinions for rejecting heterodoxy by the letters to the throne several times. The letters also contained his theory of Insim and Dosim mainly. Insisting fight against Western Power and prohibition of trade with Western Power, Yi, Hang-no eventually emphasized the king's right mind(Dosim) as a main and sole means to achieve all the goals he said. In conclusion, Yi, Hang-no's theory on mind and heart was as it is reflected in his letters to the throne. Therefore we can see that Yi, Hang-no's theory on mind and heart had harmonized with his movement to "Rejecting Heterodoxy".