• Title/Summary/Keyword: Peak code

Search Result 396, Processing Time 0.024 seconds

A Set of Anthocyanin Biosynthetic Genes are Differentially Expressed in Strawberry (Fragaria x ananassa cv Maehyang) during the Fruit Development Process (매향 딸기로부터 anthocyanin 합성 유전자의 분리 및 과실발달 과정에서의 발현 분석)

  • Bae, Ki-Suk;Kih, Joon-Yeong;Pyee, Jae-Ho
    • Journal of Life Science
    • /
    • v.18 no.2
    • /
    • pp.234-240
    • /
    • 2008
  • Anthocyanin synthesis in strawberry (Fragaria x ananassa cv Maehyang) begins approximately 26 days postflowering and continued throughout fruit ripening. A set of cDNA clones encoding the anthocyanin biosynthetic enzymes were isolated from strawberry. A pair of primers were designed for polymerase chain reaction (PCR) through the comparison of the nucleotide sequences of homologous genes from diverse plants. Reverse transcriptase-PCRs were performed using cDNA synthesized from ripe fruit total RNA and the primers corresponding to each gene. Eight genes of the anthocyanin pathway were cloned and confirmed by sequencing to code for phenylalanine ammonia lyase (PAL), 4-cummarate CoA ligase (4CL), chalcone synthase (CHS), chalcone isomerase (CHI), flavanone-3-hydroxylase (F3H), dihydroflavonol 4-reductase (DFR), anthocyanidine synthase (ANS), UDP-glucose:flavonoid-3-O-glucosyl-transferase (UFGT). Northern analyses showed that the corresponding genes were differentially expressed during the fruit development process. All genes except PAL were predominantly expressed in fruit. Expression of PAL, DFR and ANS was detected 10 days postflowering at the early stage of fruit development, declined for a while and sharply increased 22 days postflowering then showed a peak 34 days postflowering. The other genes, however, were not expressed up to 22 or 30 days postflowering when the initial fruit ripening events occur at the time of initiation of anthocyanin accumulation. The onset of anthocyanin synthesis in ripening strawberry coincides with a coordinated induction of the anthocyanin pathway genes, suggesting the involvement of regulatory genes. We propose that at least two different regulatory mechanisms playa role in the biosynthesis of anthocyanin during color development of strawberry.

Influence of Column Aspect Ratio on the Hysteretic Behavior of Slab-Column Connection (슬래브-기둥 접합부의 이력거동에 대한 기둥 형상비의 영향)

  • Choi, Myung-Shin;Cho, In-Jung;Ahn, Jong-Mun;Shin, Sung-Woo
    • Journal of the Korea Concrete Institute
    • /
    • v.19 no.4
    • /
    • pp.515-525
    • /
    • 2007
  • In this investigation, results of laboratory tests on four reinforced concrete flat plate interior connections with elongated rectangular column support which has been used widely in tall residential buildings are presented. The purpose of this study is to evaluate an effect of column aspect ratio (${\beta}_c={c_1}/{c_2}$=side length ratio of column section in the direction of lateral loading $(c_1)$ to the direction of perpendicular to $c_1$) on the hysteretic behavior under earthquake type loading. The aspect ratio of column section was taken as $0.5{\sim}3\;(c_1/c_2=1/2,\;1/1,\;2/1,\;3/1)$ and the column perimeter was held constant at 1200mm in order to achieve nominal vertical shear strength $(V_c)$ uniformly. Other design parameters such as flexural reinforcement ratio $(\rho)$ of the slab and concrete strength$(f_{ck})$ was kept constant as ${\rho}=1.0%$ and $f_{ck}=40MPa$, respectively. Gravity shear load $(V_g)$ was applied by 30 percent of nominal vertical shear strength $(0.3V_o)$ of the specimen. Experimental observations on punching failure pattern, peak lateral-load and story drift ratio at punching failure, stiffness degradation and energy dissipation in the hysteresis loop, and steel and concrete strain distributions near the column support were examined and discussed in accordance with different column aspect ratio. Eccentric shear stress model of ACI 318-05 was evaluated with experimental results. A fraction of transferring moment by shear and flexure in the design code was analyzed based on the test results.

Advanced Hybrid EER Transmitter for WCDMA Application Using Efficiency Optimized Power Amplifier and Modified Bias Modulator (효율이 특화된 전력 증폭기와 개선된 바이어스 모듈레이터로 구성되는 진보된 WCDMA용 하이브리드 포락선 제거 및 복원 전력 송신기)

  • Kim, Il-Du;Woo, Young-Yun;Hong, Sung-Chul;Kim, Jang-Heon;Moon, Jung-Hwan;Jun, Myoung-Su;Kim, Jung-Joon;Kim, Bum-Man
    • The Journal of Korean Institute of Electromagnetic Engineering and Science
    • /
    • v.18 no.8
    • /
    • pp.880-886
    • /
    • 2007
  • We have proposed a new "hybrid" envelope elimination and restoration(EER) transmitter architecture using an efficiency optimized power amplifier(PA) and modified bias modulator. The efficiency of the PA at the average drain voltage is very important for the overall transmitter efficiency because the PA operates mostly at the average power region of the modulation signal. Accordingly, the efficiency of the PA has been optimized at the region. Besides, the bias modulator has been accompanied with the emitter follower for the minimization of memory effect. A saturation amplifier, class $F^{-1}$ is built using a 5-W PEP LDMOSFET for forward-link single-carrier wideband code-division multiple-access(WCDMA) at 1-GHz. For the interlock experiment, the bias modulator has been built with the efficiency of 64.16% and peak output voltage of 31.8 V. The transmitter with the proposed PA and bias modulator has been achieved an efficiency of 44.19%, an improvement of 8.11%. Besides, the output power is enhanced to 32.33 dBm due to the class F operation and the PAE is 38.28% with ACLRs of -35.9 dBc at 5-MHz offset. These results show that the proposed architecture is a very good candidate for the linear and efficient high power transmitter.

Preliminary Post-closure Safety Assessment of Disposal Options for Disused Sealed Radioactive Source (폐밀봉선원 처분방식별 폐쇄후 예비안전성평가)

  • Lee, Seunghee;Kim, Juyoul;Kim, Sukhoon
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
    • /
    • v.49 no.4
    • /
    • pp.301-314
    • /
    • 2016
  • Disused Sealed Radioactive Sources (DSRSs) are stored temporally in the centralized storage facility of Korea Radioactive Waste Agency (KORAD) and planned to be disposed in the low- and intermediate-level radioactive waste (LILW) disposal facility in Gyeongju city. In this study, preliminary post-closure safety assessment was performed for DSRSs in order to draw up an optimum disposal plan. Two types of disposal options were considered, i.e. engineered vault type disposal and rock cavern type disposal which were planned to be constructed and operated respectively in LILW disposal facility in Gyeongju city. Assessment end-point was individual effective dose of critical group and calculated by using GoldSim code. In normal scenario, the maximum dose was estimated to be approximately $1{\times}10^{-7}mSv/yr$ for both disposal options. It meant that both options had sufficient safety margin when compared with regulatory limit (0.1 mSv/yr). Otherwise, in well scenario, the maximum dose exceeded regulatory limit of 1 mSv/yr in engineered vault type disposal and the exposure dose was mainly contributed by $^{226}Ra$, $^{210}Pb$ (daughter nuclide of $^{226}Ra$) and $^{237}Np$ (daughter nuclide of $^{241}Am$). For rock cavern type disposal, even though the peak dose satisfied regulatory limit, the exposure doses by $^{14}C$ and $^{237}Np$ were relatively high above 10% of regulatory limit. Therefore, it is necessary to exclude $^{14}C$, $^{226}Ra$ and $^{241}Am$ for two type of disposal options and additional management such as long-term storage and development of disposal container for those radionuclides should be performed before permanent disposal for conservative safety and security.

Analytical Method for Sodium Polyacrylate in Processed Food Products by Using Size-exclusion Chromatography (Size-exclusion Chromatography를 활용한 가공식품 중 폴리아크릴산나트륨 분석법 확립)

  • Jeong, Eun-Jeong;Choi, Yoo-Jeong;Lee, Gunyoung;Yun, Sang Soon;Lim, Ho Soo;Kim, MeeKyung;Kim, Yong-Suk
    • Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
    • /
    • v.33 no.6
    • /
    • pp.466-473
    • /
    • 2018
  • An analytical method of sodium polyacrylate in processed food products was developed and monitored by using size-exclusion chromatography. GF-7M HQ column and UV/VIS detector were selected based on peak shape and linearity. Flow rate, column oven temperature, and mobile phase were selected as 0.6 mL/min, $45^{\circ}C$, and 50 mM sodium phosphate buffer of pH 9.0, respectively. Samples for analysis of sodium polyacrylate were extracted with 50 mM sodium phosphate buffer of pH 7.0 for 3 hr at $20^{\circ}C$ and 150 rpm. Analytical method validation revealed proper selectivity and calibration curve was selected in the range of 50-500 mg/L, and correlation coefficient of calibration curve was more than 0.9985. Limit of detection of sodium polyacrylate was 10.95 mg/kg and limit of quantification was 33.19 mg/kg. Accuracy and coefficient of variation for sodium polyacrylate analysis was 99.6-127.6%, 3.0-8.3% for intra-day and 94.3-121.9%, 1.3-2.6% for inter-day, respectively. Sodium polyacrylate was detected in 40 samples among monitored 125 processed food products. Detected contents were less than 0.2%, limited by the Food Additives Code. Results suggest the established size-exclusion chromatography method could be used to analyze sodium polyacrylate in processed food products.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
    • /
    • v.22 no.1
    • /
    • pp.19-48
    • /
    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

  • PDF