• 제목/요약/키워드: Peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula

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한반도 평화와 번영시대에 부합하는 군 정신전력 교육 발전방안 (A study on development strategies for military spiritual education complying with the era of peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula)

  • 김남석;박효선
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권15호
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    • pp.1-30
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    • 2018
  • This study focused on how to supplement and develop military spiritual education in response to promotion of peace and prosperity and Change of Security Environment on the Korean Peninsula. In order to succeed in the peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula policy, Strengthening the military spiritual education is necessary. This study was analyzed through the survey and the results are as follows: First, the awareness level of military spiritual education is more than 68%. Second, the satisfaction level of education has been quit motivated, but, the respondents demands various methods of eduction. Third, the current mental power scores showed no significant difference for environmental change. In addition, based on the results of the research, the problem of military spiritual education is as follows. It is not enough to secure the identity that can firmly support the era of peace and prosperity on the Korean peninsula. Poor budget support might hinder improving poor education facilities and outdated equipment. Furthermore, there is a lack of research on future-oriented educational system in support of traditional education methods of repetition-type repeated education and unification. Therefore, we deducted the following development strategies for the military spiritual education in this paper. First, it is necessary to strengthen the military spiritual education to support the era of peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula. Second, for enhancing educational environments, the educational facilities and equipments should be improved by understanding the characteristics of the education target. Third, the integrated management of military research institutes specialized in military spiritual education should be pursued as a system development for ensuring the continuous effect of education. In conclusion, continuous attention and research are needed to establish national perspective and national security perspective, raise the military spirit and utilize various education development programs in order to develop efficient military spiritual education in the future.

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평화리더십과 한반도신경제구상 : 문재인 정부의 남북교류협력을 중심으로 (Peace Leadership and the New Economic Initiative of the Korean Peninsula : Focusing on Exchanges and Cooperation between South and North in the Moon Jae-in Government)

  • 양용모
    • 한국과 국제사회
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    • 제3권2호
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    • pp.59-86
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    • 2019
  • 이 논문은 평화와 번영의 '4.27판문점선언'과 '9월 평양선언'을 남북교류의 측면에서 분석하고, 이를 '한반도신경제구상'과 관련하여 규명하려는 것을 목적으로 한다. 문재인 대통령의 평화리더십은 '평화롭고 번영하는 한반도'라는 행복의 가치를 추구하는 것이다. 이를 위하여 선행되고 반드시 필요한 것은 남북한의 교류와 협력이다. 남북정상회담에서 제시한 경제부흥을 위한 한반도신경제구상은 한반도의 완전한 비핵화를 전제로 하고 있다. 한반도신경제구상은 한국은 침체된 경제의 성장동력을 불어 넣기 위한 돌파구를 마련하기 위한 전략이라면, 북한으로서도 새로운 경제발전을 위하여 반드시 필요한 디딤돌이라고 분석 할 수 있다. 결국 이것은 남북한의 공통의 목표가 번영을 의미하는 것으로, 신한반도체제로 나가자는 것이다. 신한반도체제는 대립과 갈등을 끝낸 새로운 평화협력공동체이자, 이념과 진영의 시대를 끝낸 경제협력 공동체이다. 남북한은 '평화의 완충지대'로서 평화와 번영의 신동북아시대를 견인해야 한다.

'평화통일국민협약' 추진의 법제도적 과제 (Legal Issues and Tasks for the Establishment of National Contract for Peace and Unification)

  • 최철영
    • 법제연구
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    • 제55호
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    • pp.57-94
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    • 2018
  • 한국 사회의 내적 신뢰위기, 특히 한반도정책에 있어 남한의 정치권과 시민사회단체 그리고 국민 사이에 존재하는 남남갈등은 지속적이고 일관성 있는 한반도 평화통일정책의 추진력을 크게 약화시켜 왔다. 한반도의 새롭고 대담한 평화를 위한 남북관계의 대전환기에 지속가능한 평화통일정책의 추진기반으로서 국민적 합의는 매우 중요한 의미를 갖는다. 이러한 배경에서 우리 국민 모두의 안위와 미래에 직결되는 한반도의 평화와 통일문제에 대한 일종의 사회적 협의체제로서 통일국민협약이 요구되어 왔다. 평화통일국민협약은 모호하고 추상적인 평화와 통일을 위한 사회적 공감대의 형성을 넘어 구체화된 한반도정책의 원칙과 방향 그리고 실천적 과제에 대하여 각 참여주체가 합의하고 합의된 협약에 대하여 준(準) 입법적 구속력을 부여한다는 점에서 세계적으로 유래가 없는 비공식적 법규범을 만들어가는 과정이다. 평화통일국민협약은 개념적 측면에서 과정과 결과 모두를 포함하는 '국민의 합의'로서 한반도평화번영과 통일의 '합의된 방향과 원칙'을 담고 있는 협약이며, '목표달성의 장기성과 참여주체의 개방성'을 특징으로 한다. 법적인 측면에서는 비공식적 법규범으로서 종전선언 전후에 추진되어야 할 관련 국내법제의 종합적 정비와 국제법적 합의의 정당성 근거를 제공하여야 한다. 또한 '국민의 법'으로서 평화통일국민협약의 법적 성격은 '정치적 강령'이나 사회적 합의의 차원을 넘어 합의의 내용이 관련 법제의 제정이나 개정의 법원(source of law)으로서 의미를 갖으며 조직화된 시민사회의 평가를 통해 협약으로부터의 이탈이 억제되고 구속력이 담보되어야 한다. 동시에 국민협약은 그 자체는 법규범이 아니지만 국민협약의 이행을 구체적으로 실행하기 위한 독립적 행정조직에 의하여 이행되는 연성법(soft law) 규범으로서 역할을 하여야 한다. 평화통일국민협약의 성립과 이행의 실효성을 담보하기 위해서 협약에 참여하는 국민적 대표의 범위결정과 협약추진 절차 그리고 협약의 추진과 협약체결 이후 이행을 위한 기구의 설립과 조직구성이 요구된다. 이를 위해서 정부의 독립행정위원회 조직으로 '(가칭)평화통일협약국민회의'의 설치와 '(가칭)평화통일협약국민회의법'을 통한 평화통일국민협약 추진법제의 입법이 요구된다.

지능정보사회를 향한 한반도 정보화 협력방안에 관한 연구 (A Study on the way of Informatization Cooperation in the Korean Peninsula toward the Intelligence Information Society)

  • 진상기
    • 정보화정책
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    • 제27권2호
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    • pp.84-105
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    • 2020
  • 본 논문은 한국전쟁 이후 단절의 연속을 보이고 있는 남북지역간의 격차와 차이 문제를 다루고자 연구를 설계하였다. 특히 정보사회와 지능정보사회를 통해 산업구조의 혁신과 변화가 빠르게 이루어지고 있는 4차 산업혁명시대를 맞이함에 한반도 남북지역간의 정보격차, 지능정보 기반 격차를 진단하고 이를 통합하여 한반도내 평화경제 구현과 미래산업시대의 경제번영을 위한 기반 조성을 위한 논의를 시작해 보고자 한다. 이를 위해 본 연구에서는 한국의 과거 정보화정책 중 하나였던 정보격차해소 종합 정책(모델)을 활용하여 한반도 내 남북 정보격차 현황과 해소를 위한 정책적 방법론을 도출해보았다. 본 연구를 통해 미래산업구조에 부합하는 한반도 통합 경제 구현을 위한 지능정보사회 구축을 위한 논의가 시작 되었으면 한다.

关于东北亚地区内 "建设性的微边主义, 小区域主义" 制度 建设的必要性和效果的研究 -以韩国的视角为中心 - (A Study on the necessity and Effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia: Focused on Korean perspective)

  • Kim, Jaekwan
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제4권1호
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    • pp.63-87
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    • 2020
  • This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

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서해연안 접경지역 현황 및 남북한 협력관리 방안 (Cooperative Management Framework for the Transboundary Coastal Area in the Western Part of Korean Peninsula)

  • 남정호;강대석
    • 환경정책연구
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    • 제3권2호
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    • pp.1-29
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    • 2004
  • As a result of very limited access due to the military confrontation between South and North Koreas for the last five decades, ecosystems in the transboundary coastal area in the western part of Korean Peninsula have been protected from intensive developments in both Koreas. In the core of the recent two military collisions lies the fishery resources represented as blue crabs as well as the politico-military aspect. Increasing development pressures from both sides as reflected in the South Korea supporting the construction of an industrial complex in Kaesung, North Korea, is the main factor which threatens the sustainable resource base in this region. This research is aimed to develop a cooperative management system for the well-preserved transboundary coastal area between South Korea and North Korea. The Pressure-State-Response (PSR) framework of OECD was used to assess environmental conditions, socioeconomic pressures on the environment of the region, and policy responses of both Koreas to those pressures. Protection of ecosystems, peace settlement, and prosperity of the region and the entire peninsula were proposed as the management goals of the cooperative management system. The designation of the area as a Co-managed Marine Protected Area System (COMPAS) through close cooperation among South Korea, North Korea, and international entities was suggested as a way to achieve those goals. Revision of legal and institutional mechanisms, strengthening knowledge base for optimal COMPAS management, integration of the marine protected area and DMZ (demilitarized zone) ecosystem, enhancing stakeholder participation, building international partnership, and securing financial resources were presented as six management strategies.

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시진핑(習近平) 국가주석의 방한과 한·중 미래 전략적 협력 동반자 관계 (Xi Jinping's Visit to South Korea and Its Implications)

  • 신정승
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권34호
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    • pp.5-25
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    • 2014
  • On July 3~4, 2014, the Chinese President Xi Jinping's state visit to Seoul might be seen as a step on the path toward strategic outcomes for both country. For South Korea, Seoul shrewdly retains some degree of self-reliance by balancing between ROK-China strategic cooperative partnership relationship and ROK-US alliance. For China, Beijing appears to put its interests on the Korean Peninsula increasingly within China's larger geopolitical influence. To what extent can ROK-China relationship maintain futuristic strategic cooperative partnership between them? As we observed joint press communiques of the Chinese President Xi Jinping's state visit on July 3, 2014, four agendas of bilateral relationship between Seoul and Beijing can be identified: intractable rivalry between the two great powers, North Korea nuclear issues, disparities of their displeasure with Japan denying the past wrongdoing and enhancing its military capabilities and Chinese imposing of its core interests on its Korea policy. With these evolving strategic environments, however, China and the ROK appear justifiably be pleased with the state of their relations: their strategic cooperative partnership is the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific or Indo-Pacific region and continues to grow broader and deeper.

개성공단을 통해 본 의류산업의 New Paradigm (New Paradigm of Apparel and Sewing Industry seen through Gaeseong Industrial Complex)

  • 김정회
    • 한국의류산업학회지
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    • 제16권3호
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    • pp.347-353
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    • 2014
  • The purpose of this research was to present the possibility of an alternative production base for clothing business of South Korea through the analysis about textile/clothing industry production activities in the Gaeseong industrial complex. It is necessary for the Gaeseong industrial complex to cope with the issue about FTA and country of origin, manpower supply and demand, paying wages and labor productivity, the exclusive industrial complex of clothing. The Country of Origin on imports and exports tells the country of manufacture or production, where the product comes from. Rules of Origin are the special regulations to determine the country of origin of a product and exist in the forms of international law, legislation, precedent and administrative decisions. But the economy in the North and the Gaeseong industrial complex is a comparative advantage combined with elements of North-South interdependence as a South-North economic cooperation business and can contribute significantly to the stabilization of the North-South relations. Among the models using criteria of the determination of origin, it has directly provided the models of general regulation for offshore products, of limited offshore products. These models are to help Korean exporters in understanding and utilizing the Rules of Origin for their manufacturing. In addition, the development of the Gaeseong industrial complex will contribute to establish peace on the Korean peninsula as well as in Northeast Asia. Also economic cooperation between South and North Koreas is essential for peace and prosperity of the Korean people.

2032 남북공동올림픽 추진방안 연구 (A Study on the Promotion Plan of the 2032 South-North Korea Joint Olympics)

  • 이동희;김흥태
    • 한국엔터테인먼트산업학회논문지
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    • 제14권8호
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    • pp.353-379
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    • 2020
  • 2032년 남북공동올림픽 개최 추진은 한반도의 새로운 남북관계 개선과 함께 새로운 남북공동 번영의 한반도 시대를 청사진으로 천명하며 문제인 정부에 의해 주도적으로 제안되고 추진되고 있는 정책 사안이다. 이에 본 연구에서는 2032년 남북공동올림픽 개최와 관련한 상징적 및 현실적 의제 제시를 통한 추진방안 논의를 목적으로 문헌연구 방법에 의해 전개하였다. 이와 관련한 주요 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, '서울-평양 축구교류전'인 가칭 '신경평전'의 추진을 제안한다. 둘째, 가칭 '국제평화컵 역전경주(마라톤)대회'의 추진을 제안한다. 셋째, 가칭 '코리아 평화컵 국제 남녀복식 및 혼합복식 탁구선수권대회'의 추진을 제안한다. 넷째, 가칭 '코리아(한반도) 스포츠 과학 포럼' 추진을 제안한다. 다섯째, 2032년 남북공동올림픽 개최와 관련하여 북한 공동개최 종목으로 약 16-17개 종목의 선정방안을 제안한다. 여섯째, 2032년 하계올림픽 개최지 결정 관련 예상 사나리오로 2022년부터 2023년 내 결정된다는 1차 예상을 전망한다. 일곱째, 민·관·학으로 구성된 전문가 중심의 특별위원회인 가칭 '남북사회회 문화교류협력위원회' 또는 가칭 '남북체육교류협력 추진특별위원회'의 설치 방안 추진을 제안한다. 여덟째, 가칭 '남북체육교류협력활성화 5개년 계획' 또는 가칭 '남북교류협력5개년계획'의 추진을 제안한다. 아홉째, 가칭 '남한 k-1리그 북한 선수 정원 외 등록선수 제도' 시범운영 방안 추진을 제안한다. 열번째, '선이후난(先易後難) 및 선제적 제의 원칙' 천명이 요청된다. 열한 번째, 북한 체육 및 교류협력 관련 전문가 풀 구성 및 양성 방안 추진을 제안한다. 마지막으로 남북 당사자 간 가칭 '남북체육교류협정(약)서' 채결과 남한 내부적으로 가칭 '남북체육교류 협력지원법' 제정을 추진한다.

천안함·연평도 도발 이후 국민의식 변화와 대책 (Cheonan Frigate Incident and Yeonpyeongdo Shelling by North Korea: Changing Public Opinion; Strategic Consideration)

  • 손광주
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권34호
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    • pp.93-127
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    • 2014
  • During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.