• 제목/요약/키워드: Peace Constitution

검색결과 7건 처리시간 0.026초

記憶とパワーのジェンダーポリティックス: 東アジアの国際関係において日本の平和憲法と慰安部問題の意味づけ (Gendered Politics of Memory and Power: Making Sense of Japan's Peace Constitution and the Comfort Women in East Asian International Relations)

  • 金泰柱;李洪千
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제4권2호
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    • pp.163-202
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    • 2020
  • This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

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명상프로그램(α version) 시행 전후의 사상체질별 심리척도 및 HRV 변화 연구 (Research on Change of Heart Rate Variability and Psychological Scale by Sasang Constitution according to before and after of the Meditation Programs (α version))

  • 김근우;배효상;손한범;이필원;김병수;박성식
    • 동의신경정신과학회지
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    • 제25권1호
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    • pp.1-12
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    • 2014
  • Objectives: In this study, the meditation programs (${\alpha}$ version), which are properly coordinated according to the motion, breathing, and relaxation, are evaluated and researched upon to have positive effects on stress and in the area of psychology. Methods: Approved by the Clinical Trials Deliberation Committee in Oriental Medicine, Dongguk University, Ilsan Hospital, this study collected data according to the applicant's consents, demographic information and anthropometry for the Sasang Constitutional diagnosis. Sasang Constitutional diagnosis measured the beta tools by Institute of Oriental Medicine and a decision tree was made for the Sasang Constitutional questionnaires. The STAI, STAXI, BDI, and HRV were measured before and after the meditation in order to compare the effects of meditation according to Sasang Constitution. The HRV was used as a ProComP KM Tech (co). Results: 1) The positive changes available in the Time-domain analysis of heart rate variability assessment showed that the peace of mind is increased. By analyzing the Sasang constitution, So-eum In's peace of mind included a physical stability of the autonomic nervous system. 2) According to the psychological scale evaluation, each depression scale, trait anger, anger-in, state anxiety and trait anxiety index proved significantly positive effects. By analyzing the Sasang constitution, Eun-In which involved So-eum In and Tae-eum In, had positive effects. 3) The psychological scale changed the group of diagnosed depression or anxiety, it did not mean that the psychological scale changes in the depression group, but the index of the anxiety group had been significantly reduced. This program had clinical effects for anxious patients and Eum-In which involved Tae-eum In and So-eum In according to the analysis of Sasang constitution. 4) Correlations between the gender of each psychological scale showed that women have overall low correlations, but, there were no significant changes. Conclusions: The meditation program developed by adequately mixing Action, relaxation and breathing shows that it is effective for overall Eum-in physical and mental relaxation and concentration. In the future, It will have to be developed Meditation program to show the same effect for all people.

공장새마을 운동의 재조명과 새로운 추진방향에 관한 소고 (A study on the direction of Factory Saemaul Undong development for industrial peace and the new age 1990's)

  • 신용백
    • 기술사
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    • 제24권6호
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    • pp.45-55
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    • 1991
  • Recently Factory Saemaul Undong is stagnant and spirits of Self-helf, Diligence, Cooperation goes off the public in general our society. After the 1988 year, Factories have a sickely constitution of industrial structure for Saemaul spirits fading. So, it is now a thing of the past in the 1973~87 year's active Factory Saemaul Undong of Korea industrial rationalization movement. Come on the new age 1990's, it make a special study renew method and newly technique of Factory Saemaul Undong promoting for democratic new age.

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경찰법상 위험개념 (General Idea of Danger in Police Law)

  • 구형근
    • 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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    • 제7권4호
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    • pp.178-183
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    • 2007
  • 위험방지를 위한 경찰권 행사는 손해발생의 방지를 최우선 목적으로 한다. 그러나 어디까지를 경찰법상 위험방지영역상의 예방의 대상으로 할 것인가 즉, 그 경계설정의 논의가 최근까지 경찰법상 위험방지영역상의 위험개념을 둘러싼 학설상의 주된 다툼이 되고 있다. 이는 경찰에 의한 공공의 안녕과 질서유지 임무 수행은 주로 개개의 위험방지조치를 통하여 이루어 질 수밖에 없으며 예방적 경찰작용은 경찰상의 보호이익에 대한 위험의 방지를 그 내용으로 하는 것으로서 적법한 예방적 경찰작용의 수행을 위해서는 위험에 대한 정확한 이해가 전제되어야 하기 때문이다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 경찰법상 위험에 포섭되기 위하여 최소한도의 위험의 공통된 구성요소를 손해, 충분한 개연성, 시간적 접근성으로 구분하여 각각의 구성요소에서 말하고 있는 법적 의미에 대하여 살펴보고 불확정개념으로서 위험의 해석에 관한 문제를 검토하였다.

경찰법상 위험개념에 관한 연구 (A Study on the general idea of danger in Police Law)

  • 구형근
    • 한국콘텐츠학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국콘텐츠학회 2006년도 춘계 종합학술대회 논문집
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    • pp.327-331
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    • 2006
  • 위험방지를 위한 경찰권 행사는 손해발생의 방지를 최우선 목적으로 한다. 그러나 어디까지를 경찰법상 위험방지영역상의 예방의 대상으로 할 것인가 즉, 그 경계설정의 논의가 최근까지 경찰법상 위험방지영역상의 위험개념을 둘러싼 학설상의 주된 다툼이 되고 있다. 이는 경찰에 의한 공공의 안녕과 질서유지 임무수행은 주로 개개의 위험방지조치를 통하여 이루어 질 수밖에 없으며 예방적 경찰작용은 경찰상의 보호이익에 대한 위험의 방지를 그 내용으로 하는 것으로서 적법한 예방적 경찰작용의 수행을 위해서는 위험에 대한 정확한 이해가 전제되어야 하기 때문이다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 경찰법상 위험에 포섭되기 위하여 최소한도의 위험의 공통된 구성요소를 손해, 충분한 개연성, 시간적 접근성으로 구분하여 각각의 구성요소에서 말하고 있는 법적 의미에 대하여 살펴보고 불확정개념으로서 위험의 해석에 관한 문제를 검토하였다.

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일본 방위전략의 공세적 변화가 한국 해군에 주는 전략적 함의 - 일본 '수륙기동단(水陸機動團)' 창설에 대한 분석을 중심으로 - (An Offensive Change of Japan's Defense Strategy and Strategic Implication to the South Korea Navy: Focusing on the Japan's Amphibious Rapid Deployment Brigade Creation)

  • 정광호
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권42호
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    • pp.83-113
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    • 2017
  • After defeat in World War II, Japan's Peace Constitution committed the country to forego the acquisition of offensive military capabilities. However, in the midst of the post-cold war period, Japan began to change its security posture in line with the so-called 'normal state theory', which called for a more robust defense posture and expanded security activities. The second Abe administration promoted these security policies by issuing a National Security Strategy as well as a new National Defense Program Outline(NDPO) in 2013 and by establishing new security institutions such as the National Security Council. The Abe administration also adopted the new concept of a 'Unified Mobile Defense Force' in the 2013 which replaced the 'Dynamic Defense Force' as a new criteria for the Self-Defense Force's acquisition of military capabilities. In this new concept of military capabilities, the Ground Self-Defense Force is planning to replace existing divisions with mobile divisions and to form 'Amphibious Rapid Deployment Bridge' for the first time in 2018, which has long been taboo in Japan. Japan has experience a Marine Corps in the past. Likewise, an offensive changes in the military strategy can change the spectrum of strategy and 'Amphibious Rapid Deployment Bridge' plays a big role in this. Furthermore, Japan is increasing the Coast Guard's budget and capabilities in preparation for contingencies around the Senkaku islands (called the Diaoyu in Chinese). The South Korea navy should utilize Japan's changing security posture to deter immediate threat such as North Korea's military provocations and potential enemy threat such as China, Japan, Russia.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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