• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.39-63
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• 2009

Retrospecting the past 60 years of interactions between the executive and the legislature in Korea, it is found that the Korean National Assembly is neither a minimal legislature nor a marginal legislature any more. The symbolic role of the Assembly has acquired a remarkable growth and profound strength and there is no need to worry about institutional viability any further. However, its role as a resolver or manager of social conflicts is still under the dominance of the executive and shows even an indication that it might be worsened. Such incapability of the legislature owed much to the vertical control from the outside especially during the authoritarian regimes, however, nowadays it owes much to the inability of consensus building among the out-bursting controversial and horizontal opinions inside of it. Not sufficient managerial capability required for exercising autonomous decision making power efficiently is a major detrimental factor. It traces back to the inability of party politics and demassifying political leadership. Normalization of party politics is identified as one of the essential prerequisites for Korean political development in this regard.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.180-196
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• 2020

This paper considers Japanese political interviews to integrate conversation and facial expression analysis. The behaviors of political leaders will be disclosed by analyzing questions and responses by using the turn-taking system in conversation analysis. Additionally, audiences who cannot understand verbal expressions alone will understand the psychology of political leaders by analyzing their facial expressions. Integral analyses promote understanding of the types of facial and verbal expressions of politicians and their effect on public opinion. Politicians have unique techniques to convince people. If people do not know these techniques and ways of various expressions, they will become confused, and politics may fall into populism as a result. To avoid this, a complete understanding of verbal and non-verbal behaviors is needed. This paper presents two analyses. The first analysis is a qualitative analysis that deals with Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and shows that differences between words and happy facial expressions occur. That result indicates that Abe expresses disgusted facial expressions when faced with the same question from an interviewer. The second is a quantitative multiple regression analysis where the dependent variables are six facial expressions: happy, sad, angry, surprised, scared, and disgusted. The independent variable is when politicians have a threat to face. Political interviews that directly inform audiences are used as a tool by politicians. Those interviews play an important role in modelling public opinion. The audience watches political interviews, and these mold support to the party. Watching political interviews contributes to the decision to support the political party when they vote in a coming election.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.289-301
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• 2013

We analyze respondents' reaction to Obama's advertisement, titled 'Fix the Economy'. These respondents are divided into three groups of democratic party, republican party and independent group. By manipulating the skin complexion of the Obama photo, participants were either exposed to the dark or light version of the Obama photograph. In order to obtain decorrelated stationary data, we have applied the discrete Fourier transform to each curve and then we have applied Fan (1998)'s adaptive Neyman test to the discrete Fourier transformed data. As a result, a significant difference is found out only in the independent group.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.9-18
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• 2020

The research paper examines the influence of elections on the stock market. The study analyses whether the market reaction would be the same when a party wins and comes to power for the second consecutive time. The study employs Market Model Event study methodology. The sample period taken for the study is 2014 to 2019. A sample of 31 companies listed in Bombay Stock Exchange is selected at random for the purpose of the study. For the elections held in 2014, an event window of 82 days was taken with 39 days prior to the event and 42 days post event. The event (t0) being the declaration of the election results. For the elections held in 2019 an event window of 83 days was taken with 41 days prior to the event and 41 days post event. The results indicate that the market reacts positively with significantly positive Average Abnormal Returns. The findings of the study reveal that the impact on the market is not the same between any two elections even when the same party comes to power for the second time. The semi-strong form of efficient market hypothesis holds true in the context of emerging markets like India.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.549-566
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• 2008

This study examines the effect of social conservative values that have risen as an important factor in American politics. Focusing on the abortion issue, it discusses how the abortion issue has affected American voters' issue and party preferences and their ideological orientations. The empirical results demonstrate that the abortion issue has contributed to reinforce the existing ideological and partisan divisions, although it has not realigned them. As a consequence, the abortion issue has become a significant determinant for vote choice since 1980s. Particularly in 1990s, when the polarization among the political elites became clear, the political effect of the abortion issue appears to be more evident.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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• v.34 no.4
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• pp.725-734
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• 2024

The rapidly growing metaverse environment has received widespread attention across various fields such as health and medicine, culture and gaming, as well as politics. However, the excessive collection of personal data by the diverse sensors and devices used in the metaverse environment poses a substantial threat to user privacy. In this paper, we investigate existing cases of secure Multi-Party Computation(MPC) applications, examine the services anticipated to be necessary for the expansion of the metaverse environment, and analyze the privacy issues present in the metaverse environment as well as the limitations of current real-world services. Based on these findings, we propose application scenarios that utilize MPC to preserve user privacy in the metaverse environment. These proposed MPC application scenarios present a new perspective in metaverse security research. In the future, they are expected to be utilized in the development of secure metaverse services.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.