• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.5-32
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• 2020

This study analyzes the political dynamics of the election law reform in December 2019, from a perspective of the veto player theory combined with the partisan theory. Three features are revealed in the reform process of the electoral system. First, the number of cooperative veto players was higher than that of competitive veto players, that provided a favorable condition for policy changes. Second, concerning the ideological distance between veto-players (congruence) the possibility of policy change was evaluated as quite small. Especially in the fourth to fifth periods, the congruence between the cooperative veto players and competitive veto players was extremely weak. Third, the internal coherence of cooperative veto players was relatively weak, while the internal coherence of competitive veto players was relatively strong. That acted as a limiting factor in policy changes. In other words, there was a high possibility of policy changes in the number of cooperative veto players, but the possibility of policy change was relatively restricted in the congruence between veto players and the cohesion of veto players. That explains the limited nature of the election law reform.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.315-328
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• 2013

With a view to grasping how media commercialization is understood and discussed in the media-related academic community, this study compares and reviews other researches on the commercialization process of Korean press. Full-fledged studies have been rarely performed on the history of commercialization, but similar or related studies have been conducted intermittently: One is the commercialization theory in 1933 and the other is the commercialization theory in the late 1960s. Both of them decided Korean press had been commercialized as a strategical option in the midst of political pressure. It gives a clue leading us to understanding on why Korean press shows partisanship which is pointed as one of social maladies. Korean press acquires less economic benefits if they play in the market than if political parties they support or share the same political interest take power, so they are a commercial press as well as a partially partisan press. In this context, commercialization of Korean press is still underway, and genuine commercialization hitting the balance with politicization may have yet to begin.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-115
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• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.307-344
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• 2014

Political parties would normally claim that their campaign and communication materials have effects on voters, be it on their supporters or their opponents during election campaigns. However, such effects are assumed effects by the parties unless voters are themselves assessed about the effects of such materials on themselves. The supporters of the parties are likely to regard such campaign materials as congenial to them but this may not be so with the opposition supporters who would regard such materials as negative. Taking the third-person effect to analyze effects on the audience as the theoretical framework, this study posited that opposition members would regard the materials as negative and thus would claim that they would not have any effect on them but they would likely say that such campaign materials would have effects on own party supporters. Davison (1983) posited that individuals will perceive that negative mediated messages would have their greatest impact not "on me" or "you" but on "them,"- the third person. Research suggests that people judge others to be more influenced than they are by media, advertising, libelous messages, media violence, pornography, and television drama. The theory referred to as the Third-person effect developed on the postulation that audience members would not admit that media had any direct effect on them, but would instead believe that the media influenced others, the third person (Tewksbury, Moy, & Weis, 2004; Price, Tewksbury, & Huang, 1998). On the other hand, while people would discount the effects of negative or biased messages on themselves, they would, under the notion of the First Person Effect, readily admit to being influenced by such messages. This study was based on studying the effects of political literature on party and opposition party supporters taking the messages to be positive to one group and biased and partisan to another group. The study focuses on the assumed effects of political literature on own party and opposition party supporters. It traces the degree of influence of Malaysia's largest political party, Barisan Nasional (BN) political communication literature on its own supporters and on non-BN party supporters. While the third-person effect assumes a null or minimal effect on one's self and some or strong effect on others, the question that arises are on welcoming favorable media effects on oneself and assuming unfavorable effects on others.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.8
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• pp.59-87
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• 2009

This thesis started from the attempt to make it clear that 80's American artist Keith Haring(1958-1990) had conducted social intervention of criticism, resistance, and participation through his works, and so pursued public value. Haring of graffiti fame left popular and familiar cartoon style pictures on the street wall, the billboards, the posters and so on. Popular and playful works was explained as his unique characteristics, but Haring's creative way at the field has more value than just being grasped as artist's personal characteristics. Haring's work pieces became everyday art by joining with people's life, and are working as a social speaking place. So I think that these Haring's art works possess characteristics of 'the public sphere'. 'The Public Sphere' means that is independent and free from the government or partisan economic forces, so that is not connected with the interested relations, and that is the sphere of rational argumentation without 'disguise' or 'fabrication', and that is the sphere where general public can participate in and is inspected by them. The public sphere between the sphere of public authority such a nation and a market and the private sphere of free individual, it is mutually connected with them and works as the space forming public opinion. Private individuals communicate with this public sphere and perform a role of direct and indirect check, balance, and social criticism way off from power. Openness that should include the voice of not only leading power but also the socially weak such as citizens, women, homosexuals, minority races, and so on, and alienated class, is an index of the public characteristics. The public sphere is not working just with speech and mass media. Many artists as well as Haring open their mouth and act through an art at the center of society, and create another public sphere by an art. I understood that the real participatory and practical characteristics on the Haring's work is a phenomenon and current of a part of the art world including Haring. Such current started from 1960s is the in-depth effort to be connected with the life more closely, to communicate with people, and to improve problems of life. And it has pursued public value on the different way from the nation or public power. Artists have intervened in the society with strategic and positive ways in order to raise pushed-out value and sinked rights as the public agenda, and labored to accept the value of variety and difference at the society. The aspect of such social intervention is the notable features, findable on the Haring's works and process. Haring's works include art historical meanings and are expressed with familiar and plastic language, so they were able to communicate with various classes. And he secured various customers at the field and the street. This communicative and public approach factor raised the possibility much for his works to work as the public sphere. Haring presented critical and resistant speech toward society with his works based on this factor. He asserted his position and justice of gender identity as a sexual minority. And his such work continued to movement for alienated class and social week over his own rights. His speech and message on the wall painting, poster, T-shirts, billboard of the subway, and so on worked as a spectacle and pressed concern with social issues and consciousness shift. And he's been trying to protect and care people who is injured by HIV and drug and to realize social justice through social week protection. Haring's works planned to meet many people as much as possible performed its role of intervening in society through criticism, resistance, speech, and participation, and controlling and checking social issues. These things considered, Haring's works show his consciousness about public attributes of art, and obviously include public value seeking. And also we can find the meaning of such his work as that an art is working as the public sphere and shows the possibility to discuss and practice public issues.