This study is aimed to test the moderating effects of social support networks of parents and children on the relationships between poverty, marital discord, and child abuse. This study utilized the first wave of the Korea Welfare Panel Study, conducted in 2006. Multiple regression analysis was conducted to examine the effects of poverty, marital discord, and social support networks of parents and children on child abuse. The results show that poverty and marital discord have positive(+) effects on child abuse and that social support networks of parents and children have negative (-) effects on child abuse. This study also tested the moderating effects of social support networks of parents and children on the relationships between poverty, marital discord, and child abuse. The results confirm that social support networks of both parents and children can moderate the effects of poverty and marital discord on child abuse. That is, when the level of social support networks of parents and children are high, the influences of poverty and marital discord on child abuse becomes smaller or insignificant. Implications of study findings, which includes child protection strategies through improvements in supports for parents and their children are discussed.
The purpose of this study was to analyze the environment of poverty children as reported by the children on a questionnaire. The conception of the environment was divided into the physical environment and the sociopsychological environment. The dimensions of the physical environment included household, cultural, and play conditions. The sociopsychological environment included structural (family values, family relationships, and the reinforcement system) and process variables(affect, care, and communication). For the purpose of this survey was administered to 122 children living in a poverty area and 102 children living in a middle-high income area. Statistics used for data analysis were frequency, distribution, percentile, mean and one-way ANOVA. Major findings showed that (1) The physical environment as reported by the poverty children was meager compared with that of children in the middle-high income area: the households were more overcrowded, and cultural conditions, play materials, and space was more limited. (2) The Structural conditions of the sociopsychological environment as perceived by poverty children were more material and physical than that of children in the middle-high income area: family values were oriented more toward materialism: family relationships were more negative and distant: and the reinforcement system was based more on material reward and physical punishment. (3) Process variables were perceived by poverty children as more laissez-faire and rigid; the parents neglected their children and communicated unilaterally more than the middle-high income parents. (4) Poverty children's perception of the causes of poverty and wealth were perceived as personal and social factors.
This study intends to investigate the empowerment experience of parents in poverty with a specific focus on those who participated in the We Start case management program. Focus group and individual interviews were conducted to collect the data. Study results are as follows. First, the empowerment stages were found to be 'being isolated and powerless at a dead-end', 'solving the problem together while receiving attention and respect', 'raising children with hope', and 'actively engaging with the world'. Second, the meaning of empowerment for parents in poverty was 'actively engaging with the world by raising children with hope'. Third, the results of empowerment were improved self-efficacy, improved relationships with children, improved cooperative relationship with the service provider, and participation in self-help groups and volunteer activities in the community. Fourth, empowerment process started through the 'development of trust relationship with service provider and getting help', and 'change in children.' Fifth, active formation of relationships with help professionals and provision of correct information facilitated parents' empowerment. Based on the study results, several suggestions were made for practitioners to empower parents in poverty.
In the absence of a male provider the state must decide how far and under what conditions it will provide for the mother and her children. In the case of lone mothers, there are three main possible sources of income: the labour market, the absent father, and the state. However, the relative proportions of these three sources vary significantly from country to country as well as from individual to individual within the group of lone parents. Until very recently the UK has been alone among countries of the EU in allowing lone parents to draw benefits without making themselves available for work so long as they have dependent children. However, in the 1990s, the UK government introduced major changes to his policies regarding lone parents. The UK government attempted to restrict the role of the state as a source of income for lone parent families. At the beginning of the 1990s, the emphasis in the UK was put on securing more money from 'absent fathers' to maintain. However, the policy was unsuccessful and by the mid-1990s attention to the only other possible source of income for lone parent families, the labour market, was stepped up, notwithstanding the ambivalence of politicians about the desirability of women with young children entering employment. From 1998 the Labour government introduced a series of reforms aimed at reducing both worklessness and poverty by raising welfare payments to families both in and out of work, improving financial incentives to work and introducing a more proactive welfare system. The results presented here suggest that these policies have raised the employment rates of lone parents by around 5 percentage points, or 80,000. These employment gains have come from a welfare reform package that does not require lone parents to search for jobs, or uses time limits in welfare programmes. In addition these gains have been achieved despite generous increases in welfare payments for lone parents who do not work. These earnings gains combined with the more generous welfare are making rapid progress in reducing lone parents' poverty.
Poor children are a field of causing of various Issues and become a subject of sympathy, concern and anger, against adult's poor such as sleeper outdoors and unemployed to be made a subject of discussion. This study has theoretically investigated the poverty concept, family trait around poor children. And also for understanding the above status, poverty circumstances have been focused children family and shelter-care children. The conclusions are as follows. First, the family of children head was formed with children under fifteen years of age. It was reported that solo families were 26.4% and living together families with relatives were 64.7%. As status of producing causes, parents death was shown the most rate as 49% and abscondence or missing was 31.9%. Second, In the shelter-care aspect, the highest case is a parents-divorce with 42.5%, while children-head case is just shown 0.5%. Therefore, in a child right viewpoint, it needs more systematical/long-range study on children poverty, and some policies for protecting the poverty-children must be established in social policy.
Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
/
v.21
no.3
/
pp.141-159
/
2017
The main purpose of this study is to investigate factors that influence sleep duration and sleep time poverty in terms of family characteristics, child characteristics, and time use. A series of data analyses were conducted on children's time use in two-parent families based on the 2013 Korean Children and Youth Panel Survey. One major finding is that children's sleep duration and the probability of having a sleep time poverty are related to their mothers' job classifications. The factors influencing the duration of sleep time and the sleep time poverty are similar in terms of family characteristics and children's time use. The mother's job classification, family income, number of younger siblings, number of older siblings, children's private tutoring hours, computer game hours, and TV hours are statistically significant factors affecting the duration of sleep time and the probability of having a sleep time poverty. However, the factor with greatest influence on sleep time duration is private tutoring hours and the factor most affecting sleep time poverty is computer game hours. The mother's job classification is a relatively powerful determinant for predicting her children's sleep duration and sleep time poverty.
The main purpose of this paper is to attempt an alternative measurement and analysis of poverty considering income as well as time in order to present an effective antipoverty policy. Based on Korea Welfare Panel Study (2005), the income poverty, time poverty, and double poverty of household in which householders were under 60 years were measured. Moreover this paper found that households experiencing the time poverty might be faced with additional income poverty because of the necessity to purchase care services in the market to compensate for the time. As a result of the analysis, income poverty rate is 9.5%, time poverty rate is 15.7%, and time-adjusted income poverty rate is 10.8%. And low-educated single parents with young children are more likely to experienced income as well as time poverty. Therefore, this paper proved that the 'welfare to work' policy without considering situations in household could be faced with the limit. Furthermore, this paper suggests that social welfare policy should aim at minimizing the tradeoffs among different works and activities, and then support to improve the quality of life.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the economic deprivation of male-headed or female-headed households. Household having children under the age of 18 are categorized into three types according to the gender of household head: male-headed household, female-headed household, and dual-parents household. The findings from data, for this study came from the Korean Labor Panel Study in 2003. The analysis shows that the household's age, education, residence types, etc are key explanatory variables in determining whether to be in poverty. While the public income transfer is most effective in reducing poverty in female-headed households, the private income source is relatively more useful among male-headed families. Since single-household families are particularly at risk, public policy makers should pay special attentions to developing and expanding welfare-to-work programs which provides work incentives to overcome relative poverty and community networks on child care.
This study estimated the socioeconomic costs of child poverty. Based on previous studies, the present study organized component categories for direct and indirect costs of child poverty, and estimated the cost of each category in 2015 through the collection of existing data and Delphi survey techniques among experts. The total socioeconomic costs of child poverty were compared to Korea's GDP. The results of this study were as follows. First, the socioeconomic costs of child poverty in Korea in 2015 ranged from 55 trillion KW(3.5% of GDP) to 99 trillion KW(6.5% of GDP). Second, the indirect socioeconomic costs of child poverty are much higher than the direct costs. Third, among the total cost categories, costs related to productivity loss and unemployment accounted for the largest portion of both the socioeconomic costs based upon absolute poverty and relative poverty. Crime costs are the second largest. Based on these results, we discussed the importance of early intervention for children in poverty; implementation of two-generation program that intervenes simultaneously with parents and children; and long-term, continuous and integrated intervention for high-risk groups such as poor children.
The economic crisis in $1997{\sim}1998$ caused massive unemployment and unprecedentedly increased the number of the poor in Korea. As many unemployed families fell into poverty, the poverty rate skyrocketed to higher than 10 percent. Not later than 2000, unemployment late got back to normal and real average income among urban households approached to the income level prior to the economic crisis. Although the economic crisis has been passed through, poverty was not decreased to the low level prior to the crisis by 2000. Why does it remain high? This study attempts to provide an answer to this question by analysing the poverty trend over the 1990s. Data come from the National Survey of Household Income and Expenditures 1991, 1996, and 20001. Results show that poverty was rapidly reduced in the first half period of the 1990s. This reduction in poverty is largely explained by steady and rapid economic growth. Modest improvement in income inequality also contributed. In contrast, the poverty rate considerably increased in the latter half of the 1990s. Average income was not fully recovered to its prior level, which reflected the economic crisis and the subsequent economic stagnation. Worsened income inequality led to higher poverty rate too. In addition, demographic changes increased the share of economically vulnerable types of families, such as families headed by single parents and the elderly. The most significant factor in explaining the higher poverty rate was extended income differential among non-elderly adults, while the next was the increased number of the elderly families. Yet, findings a little differ depending on which concepts of poverty to adopt. In the analyses based on the concept of absolute poverty, economic growth the most significantly affected the poverty trends in the 1999s. Changes in income inequality played the most important role in explaining the trend in relative poverty. Adopting the concepts of quasi-absolute poverty, which is preferred in this study, results show that rapid economic growth significantly reduced poverty in the first half of the 1990s and both worsened income inequality and stagnated economic growth increased poverty in the latter 1990s.
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