• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
• /
• 제16권8호
• /
• pp.59-70
• /
• 2016

본 연구는 출산율 제고를 위한 지자체별 강조할 정책을 파악하고자 시도별 합계출산율에 영향을 미치는 요인 - 2005~2014년까지의 지자체별 보육시설수, 육아휴직급여, 여성고용률, 여성총근로시간 - 을 패널분석하였으며 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 먼저, 2005~2014년 패널분석에서는 고정효과모형이 가장 타당한 모형으로 검증되었으며, 육아휴직급여는 정적인 영향을, 보육시설수와 여성총근로시간은 합계출산율에 부적인 영향을 미쳤다. 둘째, 저출산 고령사회 기본계획 실시 이전과 실시 기간별로 영향요인을 분석한 결과, 보육시설수는 지속적으로 부적(-) 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 지자체별로 볼 때, 부산/대구/광주는 보육시설수(-), 육아휴직급여(+), 울산/충북/전남은 육아휴직급여(+), 제주는 여성총근로시간(-)이 유의미한 변수로 나타났으며 그 외의 지역은 유의미한 변수가 없었다. 본 연구는 지자체별 합계출산율에 영향을 미치는 변수가 차이가 있으며 그 중심에 보육시설수와 육아휴직급여가 있다는 것을 확인한 것에 의미가 있다.

• 한국사회복지학
• /
• 제40권
• /
• pp.68-96
• /
• 2000

Parental leave in Sweden is a part of the health insurance in national social insurance system. It has two kinds of benefits. One is parental cash benefit paid for both husband and wife on the occasion of child birth, currently 450days for each child. The other is temporary parental cash benefit when a child under the age of twelve or a caretaker for him is illness, which is six months for a child a year. Parental insurance in Sweden permits parents to take care of their children just after birth at home with the amount of 80% of monthly income for 360 days and 60 Swedish krone each day for 90 days more. It also permits parents with children under the age of eight of part-time work and return to former job at full-time base when they want. It consequently encourages women's economic activity in her whole life and contributes to promotion of equality in sex roles between husband and wife. This insurance scheme is beneficient in that it enhances individual and family welfare and also secures labour force. This case study on Swedish parental insurance offers implication how to resolve the conflict between women's increased demand for economic activity and maternal role.

• 한국생활과학회지
• /
• 제14권4호
• /
• pp.531-546
• /
• 2005

This study is to examine current child care support policies and their limitations and to make some suggestions by means of statistics and previous literature. Major findings are as follows: First, As the women have younger children, the effect is more negative. Second, a maternity leave of Korea is 90 days, which is below ILO standard. Moreover, it is not well supported by the companies they work for. Third, the increasing number of men has spent a paternity leave since the pertinent law was enforced in 2001. The rate of spending the leave, however, is not as high as expected, because it has not yet been decided whether the leave would be paid or not. Lastly, the number of the employer-supporting child care center is rather few due to the legal standard of the facility and the expense that a company should cover. Only 46.5% of the companies that has been appointed to obligatorily establish the center now operate the facility. Therefore, child care support policies should be reformed or improved to help reduce married women's child care burden obviously hindering women from being employed, and this will consequently promote their economic activities. It is also urgently required to expand the application of the parental leave in terms of both object and scope. It is important that employers and employees get ready to compromise each other on the wage issue during the leave. In addition, the flexibility in period and form of the parental leave and the connection of working places with local community for better child care service must be taken into consideration.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 한국사회복지학회 1999년도 추계학술대회
• /
• pp.187-212
• /
• 1999

Parental leave in Sweden is a part of the health insurance in national social insurance system. It has two kinds of benefits. One is parental cash benefit paid for both husband and wife on the occasion of child birth, currently 450days for each child. The other is temporary parental cash benefit when a child under the age of twelve or a caretaker for him is illness, which is six months for a child a year. Parental insurance in Sweden permits parents to take care of their children just after birth at home with the amount of 80% of monthly income for 360 days and 60 Swedish krone each day for 90 days more. It also permits parents with children under the age of eight of part-time work and return to former job at full-time base when they want. It consequently entourage women's economic activity in her whole life and contributes to promotion of equality in sex roles between husband and wife. This insurance scheme is beneficient in that it enhances individual and family welfare and also secures labour force. This case study on Swedish parental insurance offers implication how to resolve the conflict between women's increased demand for economic activity and maternal role.

• 가족자원경영과 정책
• /
• 제14권3호
• /
• pp.123-141
• /
• 2010

Considering recent changes in care policies for children and the elderly, this study assumed that the familialistic characteristics of the welfare state in Korea might differ from those of the past. In order to explore the direction of change in familialism, this study focused on care policies for children under six and for the elderly who are sixty-five and over. Applying Leitner's four types of familialism-implicit familialism, explicit familialism, optional familialism, and de-familialism-to the study, it analyzed both familialization care policies, such as paid parental leave, homecare allowance, tax credit, and de-familialization care policies, including service provision and subsidies. The results of the study showed that care policy for children under 6 displayed the characteristics of "optional familialism," while care policy for the elderly reflected "de-familialism."

• 사회복지연구
• /
• 제49권1호
• /
• pp.51-83
• /
• 2018

본 연구는 IMF 이후 소득 차원에서의 분배 악화와 유사하게 시간사용의 분배에서도 소득계층간 격차가 심화되고 있는 지를 검토하고, 그 영향요인을 분석하였다. 이를 위해 다국가시간사용조사(MTUS)와 생활시간조사 자료를 활용하여 프랑스, 네덜란드, 스페인, 영국, 미국, 한국 등 6개국을 대상으로 다층분석(HLM)을 실시하였다. 주요 분석결과를 제시하면, 첫째, 분석대상 국가들에서 저소득층은 유급노동시간은 길고 여가시간은 짧은 반면, 고소득층은 유급노동시간이 짧고 여가시간은 긴 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 한국의 저소득층은 비교 국가 중 유급노동시간이 가장 길고 여가시간은 가장 짧아, 일-여가 균형이 가장 낮은 수준이었고, 이러한 양상은 IMF 이후 회복되지 않고 있었다. 셋째, 다층분석 결과, 가구소득이 낮을수록 유급노동시간은 증가하고 일-여가 균형은 감소하여 장시간 노동이 특정 집단으로 귀결되는 시간 불평등 양상이 포착되었다. 넷째, 연평균노동시간은 유급노동시간을 증가시키는 반면, 가족정책지출, 재분배 정책, 소득보장정책은 유급노동시간을 감소시키는 요인으로 드러났다. 다섯째, 연평균노동시간은 일-여가 균형을 감소시켰으나, 가족정책지출, 재분배정책, 소득보장정책은 일-여가 균형을 증가시켰다. 본 연구의 의의는 IMF 이후 한국 사회에서 소득 분배뿐 아니라 시간 사용에서의 계층 간 불평등이 심화되어 왔음을 규명하였다는 것이다. 연구결과에 기초하여 본 연구는 시간을 재구조화하는 정책적 개입 전략으로 노동시간 규제 강화, 육아휴직제도 활성화와 소득대체율 실질화, 소득 재분배 관련 정책 확대, 소득보장과 시간보장 정책의 상호보완적 발전 등을 제시하였다.