• Title/Summary/Keyword: PR(1 2 2 1)

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The Characteristics of Rural Population, Korea, 1960~1995: Population Composition and Internal Migration (농촌인구의 특성과 그 변화, 1960~1995: 인구구성 및 인구이동)

  • 김태헌
    • Korea journal of population studies
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.77-105
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    • 1996
  • The rural problems which we are facing start from the extremely small sized population and the skewed population structure by age and sex. Thus we analyzed the change of the rural population. And we analyzed the recent return migration to the rural areas by comparing the recent in-migrants with out-migrants to rural areas. And by analyzing the rural village survey data which was to show the current characteristics of rural population, we found out the effects of the in-migrants to the rural areas and predicted the futures of rural villages by characteristics. The changes of rural population composition by age was very clear. As the out-migrants towards cities carried on, the population composition of young children aged 0~4 years was low and the aged became thick. The proportion of the population aged 0~4 years was 45.1% of the total population in 1970 and dropped down to 20.4% in 1995, which is predicted to become under 20% from now on. In the same period(1970~1995), the population aged 65 years and over rose from 4.2% to 11.9%. In 1960, before industrialization, the proportion of the population aged 0~4 years in rural areas was higher than that of cities. As the rural young population continuously moves to cities it became lower than that in urban areas from 1975 and the gap grew till 1990. But the proportion of rural population aged 0~4 years in 1995 became 6.2% and the gap reduced. We can say this is the change of the characteristics of in-migrants and out-migrants in the rural areas. Also considering the composition of the population by age group moving from urban to rural area in the late 1980s, 51.8% of the total migrants concentrates upon age group of 20~34 years and these people's educational level was higher than that of out-migrants to urban areas. This fact predicted the changes of the rural population, and the results will turn out as a change in the rural society. However, after comparing the population structure between the pure rural village of Boeun-gun and suburban village of Paju-gun which was agriculture centered village but recently changed rapidly, the recent change of the rural population structure which the in-migrants to rural areas becomes younger is just a phenomenon in the suburban rural areas, not the change of the total rural areas in general. From the characteristics of the population structure of rural village from the field survey on these villages, we can see that in the pure rural villages without any effects from cities the regidents are highly aged, while industrialization and urbanization are making a progress in suburban villages. Therefore, the recent partial change of the rural population structure and the change of characteristics of the in-migrants toward rural areas is effecting and being effected by the population change of areas like suburban rural villages. Although there are return migrants to rural areas to change their jobs into agriculture, this is too minor to appear as a statistic effect.

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A study on The U.S.-Korean Trade Friction Prevention and Settlement in the Fields of Information and Telecommunication Industries (한미간(韓美間) 정보통신분야(情報通信分野) 통상마찰예방(通商摩擦豫防)과 해소방안(解消方案)에 관한 연구(硏究))

  • Jung, Jay-Young
    • THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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    • v.13
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    • pp.869-895
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    • 2000
  • The US supports the Information and Communication (IC) industry as a strategic one to wield a complete power over the World Market. However, several other countries are also eager to have the support for the IC industry because the industry produces a high added value and has a significant effect on other industries. Korea is not an exception. Korea recently succeeded in the commercialization of CDMA for the first time in the world, after the successful development of TDX. Hence, it is highly likely to get tracked by the US. Although the IC industry is a specific sector of IT, there is a concern that there might be a trade friction between the US and Korea due to a possible competition. It will be very important to prepare a solution in advance so that Korea could prevent the friction and at the same time increase its share domestically and globally. It will be our important task to solve the problem with the minimum cost if the conflict arises unfortunately in the IT area. The parties that have a strong influence on the US trade policy are the think tank group and the IT-related interest group. Therefore, it would be important to have a close relationship with them. We found some implications by analyzing the case of Japan, which has experienced trade frictions with the US over the long period of time in the high tech industry. In order to get rid of those conflicts with the US, the Japanese did the following things : (1) The Japanese government developed supporting theories and also resorted to international support so that the world could support the Japanese theories. (2) Through continual dialogue with the US business people, the Japanese business people sought after solutions to share profits among the Japanese and the US both in the domestic and in the worldwide markets. They focused on lobbying activities to influence the US public opinion to support the Japanese. The specific implementation plan was first to open culture lobby toward opinion leaders who were leaders about the US opinion. The institution, Japan Society, were formed to deliver a high quality lobbying activities. The second plan is economic lobby. They have established Japanese Economic Institute at Washington. They provide information about Japan regularly or irregularly to the US government, research institution, universities, etc., that are interested in Japan. The main objective behind these activities though is to advertise the validity of Japanese policy. Japanese top executives, practical interest groups on international trade, are trying to justify their position by direct contact with the US policy makers. The third one is political lobby. Japan is very careful about this political lobby. It is doing its best not to give impression that Japan is trying to shape the US policy making. It is collecting a vast amount of information to make a correct judgment on situation. It is not tilted toward one political party or the other, and is rather developing a long-term network of people who understand and support the Japanese policy. The following implications were drawn from the experience of Japan. First, the Korean government should develop a long-term plan and execute it to improve the Korean image perceived by American people. Second, the Korean government should begin public relation activities toward the US elite group. It is inevitable to make an effort to advertise Korea to this elite group because this group leads public opinion in the USA. Third, the Korean government needs the development of a relevant policy to elevate the positive atmosphere for advertising toward the US. For example, we need information about to whom and how to about lobbying activities, personnel network who immediately respond to wrong articles about Korea in the US press, and lastly the most recent data bank of Korean support group inside the USA. Fourth, the Korean government should create an atmosphere to facilitate the advertising toward the US. Examples include provision of incentives in tax on the expenses for the advertising toward the US and provision of rewards to those who significantly contribute to the advertising activities. Fifth, the Korean government should perform the role of a bridge between Korean and the US business people. Sixth, the government should promptly analyze the policy of IT industry, a strategic area, and timely distribute information to industries in Korea. Since the Korean government is the only institution that has formal contact with the US government, it is highly likely to provide information of a high quality. The followings are some implications for business institutions. First, Korean business organization should carefully analyze and observe the business policy and managerial conditions of US companies. It is very important to do so because all the trade frictions arise at the business level. Second, it is also very important that the top management of Korean firms contact the opinion leaders of the US. Third, it is critically needed that Korean business people sent to the USA do their part for PR activities. Fourth, it is very important to advertise to American employees in Korean companies. If we cannot convince our American employees, it would be a lot harder to convince regular American. Therefore, it is very important to make the American employees the support group for Korean ways. Fifth, it should try to get much information as early as possible about the US firms policy in the IT area. It should give an enormous effort on early collection of information because by doing so it has more time to respond. Sixth, it should research on the PR cases of foreign enterprise or non-American companies inside the USA. The research needs to identify the success factors and the failure factors. Finally, the business firm will get more valuable information if it analyzes and responds to, according to each medium.

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La signification du dépassement de soi dans le Thomisme (토미즘의 인간적 행위에서 '자기초월'의 의미)

  • Lee, Myung-Gon
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.105
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    • pp.49-74
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    • 2008
  • Le but de notre recherche est $d^{\prime}{\acute{e}}clairer$ la nature du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi aux actes humaines dnas le Thomisme. Dans le Thomisme la nature humaine qui a la raison et la $volont{\acute{e}}$ a une $intentionnalit{\acute{e}}$ ver la fin ultime. De sorte que les actes humaines qui $corr{\grave{e}}spondent$ cette nature humaine a un $caract{\grave{e}}re$ du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi visant toujours plus que le $pr{\acute{e}}sent$. Le fondement de cet acte du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi est $l^{\prime}{\hat{a}}me$ rationelle qui est la forme substantielle de l'homme et de soi subsistante. Chez st. Thomas ce $caract{\grave{e}}re$ du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ a trois ${\acute{e}}taps$ distinctes : (1)le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ dans l'ordre du $progr{\grave{e}}s$ naturel (2)le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans l'ordre morale (3)le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans l'ordre de la religion. Le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ dans l'ordre du $progr{\grave{e}}s$ naturel apparaît d'abord au $caract{\grave{e}}re$ de $l^{\prime}{\hat{a}}me$ rationelle. St. Thomas $d{\acute{e}}finit$ les vertus rationelles comme $^{\prime}pl{\acute{e}}nitude$ dans le $f{\acute{e}}blesse$, parce qu'il $consid{\grave{e}}re$ la vertu rationelle comme $finalit{\acute{e}}$ des $facult{\acute{e}}s$ du sens $ext{\acute{e}}rieur$. L'homme par le sens $ext{\acute{e}}rieur$ reçoit des $esp{\grave{e}}ces$ sensibles(especies sensibilis), et $poss{\grave{e}}de$ les images. Puis cette images sensible devenant la $r{\acute{e}}alit{\acute{e}}$ spirituelle sous forme du $m{\acute{e}}moire$ et du souvenir, devient aussi la partie de son existence. Donc chez st. Thomas la vertue rationnelle n'est pas simplement un $facult{\acute{e}}$ $sp{\acute{e}}culative$, mais elle est dans l'ordre du devenir et du $pl{\acute{e}}nitude$. A cette raison st. Thomas compare la raison(ratio) comme $g{\acute{e}}n{\acute{e}}ration$(generatio) et l'intelleigence(intellectus) comme ${\hat{e}}tre$(esse). C'est-${\grave{a}}$-dire la raison $d{\acute{e}}passe$ le sensible et l'intelligence $d{\acute{e}}passe$ la raison. Le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans l'ordre morale $li{\acute{e}}$ au $progr{\grave{e}}s$ de la conscience. Chez st. Thomas la perception de l'objet $ext{\acute{e}}rieur$ ayant pour but d'avoir conscience de soi, se perfectionne ${\grave{a}}$ ceci. D'avoir conscience de soi signifie d'avoir $l^{\prime}identit{\acute{e}}$ de soi, et de-$l{\grave{a}}$ apparaît l'acte moral en tnat qu'acte $sp{\acute{e}}cifique$ humain. La raison pour laquelle la vie morale elle-$m{\hat{e}}me$ a un $caract{\grave{e}}$ du $d{\acute{e}}passement$, c'est que l'acte humaine qui corresfonde ${\grave{a}}$ $l^{\prime}identit{\acute{e}}$ du soi est une vie qui vise toujours plus que le $pr{\acute{e}}sent$ ou $l^{\prime}id{\acute{e}}al$. Quant au problem du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ dans l'ordre de la religion, chez st. Thomas en raison de $l^{\prime}affinit{\acute{e}}$ entre Dieu et l'homme, $o{\grave{u}}$ il y a des vertues infuses(virtutes infusas), il y a une sorte du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ religieux. Car ces vertues infuses signifie la communication entre Dieu(${\hat{E}}tre$ absolu) et l'homme(${\hat{e}}tre$ fine) et cela signifie le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de l'humain vers le divin. Cette $id{\acute{e}}e$ thomiste permet de penser que $o{\grave{u}}$ il y a un $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans la vie religuse d'une personne, il y a une intervention $r{\acute{e}}elle$ de la providence divine. Cette $pens{\acute{e}}e$ thomiste sera alors un $caract{\grave{e}}$ $r{\acute{e}}aliste$ face ${\grave{a}}$ la $pens{\acute{e}}e$ $id{\acute{e}}aliste$ qui n'admette que le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ absolu comme $d{\acute{e}}passement$ religieux.

Research on the Size, Formation and Tendency to Evade the Road of the Feeding Flocks of Crane Species - Centering on the Effect of Road vs. Traffic Condition - (두루미류의 취식무리 크기 및 구성과 도로에 대한 회피 - 도로의 영향 vs 통행에 의한 영향? -)

  • Yoo, Seung-Hwa;Lee, Ki-Sup;Kim, In-Kyu;Kang, Tae-Han;Lee, Han-Soo
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.23 no.1
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    • pp.41-49
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    • 2009
  • This research conducted a survey on the feeding crane's size, formation and distribution distance subsequent to road pattern and feeding flock's size during the wintering season eight times at the Cheolwon basin in Korea from December 2005 until February 2006. The survey results are as follows: First, the feeding flocks of the Red-crowned and White-naped Crane were found to mainly consist of two to four individuals. Mono-specific feeding flocks were more identified than hetero-specific feeding flocks in both Red-crowned and White-naped Cranes. There existed a significant difference in the ratio by size between the feeding Red-crowned and White-naped Cranes. The crane's average distribution distance from the paved road was much farther than from the unpaved road, paved farm road and unpaved farm road. In case of the white-naped crane, there was a difference in its distance length from between the road and farm road and there existed a significant difference only in the paved road in the distance length by road pattern between these two bird species[Red-crowned and White-naped Crane]. Such a result indicates that crane species don't prefer the road with frequent vehicular traffic to the road with low vehicular traffic. 5 or more individuals of feeding flocks of the Red-crowned Crane were located at a farther distance length from the paved road comparing to less than 5 individuals of the whole feeding flocks and less than 5 individual feeding flocks. 5 or more individuals of feeding flocks of the White-naped Crane were located at a farther distance length from the paved road, paved farm road and unpaved farm road than less than 5 individuals of feeding flocks of the White-naped Crane; however, there existed no difference in distance length subsequent to their group size. Conclusively, it was found out that the flocks with a larger size were more greatly affected by interrupting factors. Considering such results, there seems to be a more relation to the fact that larger size feeding flocks of crane species have a higher efficiency in the lookout for their surroundings.

Management Improvement of Big and Old Trees in the Byeol-seo Scenic Sites (별서 명승지역 내 노거수목의 관리개선방안)

  • Lee, Jong-Bum;Lee, Chang-Hun;Choi, Byoung-Jae;Lee, Jae-Keun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.31 no.1
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    • pp.98-107
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    • 2013
  • Big and old trees in the scenic spots with the attributes of remote villas are vulnerable to man-made damages and very sensitive to the external environment such as soil conditions, so the corresponding management plans are required. Thus this study has been conducted to survey the big and old trees in the scenic remote villas and suggest the ideal management plans. The results can be summarized as follows. First, regarding the tree heath above the ground, transformation of tree, death of branches, and death of barks are closely related to tree vigor. Particularly, the areas receiving many visitors require prompt countermeasures against the dried and dead tress above the ground and the areas in which dried and dead tress occurred and also the safety measures for the visitors and facilities. Second, regarding the soil environment, visitor traffic is closely related to the tree vigor. In 15 remote villa gardens, 64% of trees are exposed to heavy traffic and the tree vigor has declined due to an increase of visitor. Thus, there is a need to give positive consideration the installation of the complementary facilities and the plantation of herbal plants in the congested areas to form the ground surface that can tolerate the heavy visitor traffic. Third, remote gardens are in general located adjacent to ponds and mountain streams and thus the trees in the waterfront areas require the prompt countermeasures against the decline of growth due to the excess-moisture in the soil. Further the blockage of the sewage system due to the heavy rains dampens the surrounding soil, which results in lethal damages to the trees. Thus, there is a need of the maintenance of the waterfront areas and sewage system before and after the rainy season. In addition, there is a need to establish medium-long term management polices through the recognition of the importance of the main trees of remote villa gardens in scenic spots and prepare the tree management manual depending on the attributes of the corresponding areas. I strongly suggest making manuals for the systematic management as well as the extensive PR activities and education for the preservation of tress on a long-term basis; and furthermore securing the budget and manpower for the research and development of a systematic management system.

Die Zul$\ddot{a}$ssigkeitpartikularer Personalvertretungen im deutsche Luftverkehr (독일에서의 항공운항종사자의 개별 직원대표의 허용성에 관한 고찰)

  • So, Jae-Seon
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.26 no.1
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    • pp.65-92
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    • 2011
  • Die soeben entwickelten Grundgs$\ddot{a}$tze k$\ddot{o}$nnen dazu f$\ddot{u}$hren, dass es bei Fluggesellschaften zum Abschluss mehrerer Tarifvertr$\ddot{a}$ge $\ddot{u}$ber Personalvertretungen durch verschidene Gewerkschften kommt. Dies leitet schlie${\ss}$lich zu der bereits angesprochenen Problematik der Tarifkonkurrenz $\ddot{u}$ber. Tarifkonkurrenz zeichnet sich bekanntlich dadurch aus, dass f$\ddot{u}$r dasselbe Rechtsverh$\ddot{a}$ltnis dieselbe Regelungsmaterie durch mehr als einen Tarifvertrag geregelt wird. Eine solche Tarifkonkurenz kann unabh$\ddot{a}$ngig von der Frage, ob Regelungsgegenstand betriebsverfassungsrechtlicher Normen ein betriebliches Rechtsverh$\ddot{a}$ltnis ist, auch bei dieser Art von Tarifnormen auftreten. Dabei betriebsverfassungsrechtlichen Kollektivnormen gem$\ddot{a}{\ss}$ $\S$3 Abs. 2 TVG die Tarifbindung des Arbeitgebers f$\ddot{u}$r die Anwendungsbarkeit gen$\ddot{u}$gt, wird beim Vorhandensein mehrerer solcher Tarifvertr$\ddot{a}$ge h$\ddot{a}$ufig pauschal von einer in jedem Fall aufzul$\ddot{o}$senden tarifkonkurrenz gesprochen. $\ddot{U}$berschneiden sich die Geltungsbereiche mehrerer Tarifvertr$\ddot{a}$ge $\ddot{u}$ber personalvertretungsrechtliche Fragen der im Luftbetrieb t$\ddot{a}$tigen Besch$\ddot{a}$ftigten und handelt es sich nicht um textidentische Regelungen, f$\ddot{u}$hrt indes kein Weg daran vorbei, dass eine Tarifkonkurenz besteht, die einer Aufl$\ddot{o}$sung bedarf. Die Rechtsprechung hat sich zur speziellen Fragen der Aufl$\ddot{o}$sung einer Konkurrenz betriebsverfassungsrechtlicher Tarifnormen soweit ersichtlich noch nicht ge$\ddot{a}$u${\ss}$ert. Nicht zuletzt aus diesem Grund wird in der Literatur ein buntes Spektrum an L$\ddot{o}$sungen pr$\ddot{a}$sentiert, wobei sich die meisten neueren Stellungnahmen vor allem mit Organisationstarifvertr$\ddot{a}$gen im Sinne von ${\S}$3 BetrVG besch$\ddot{a}$ftigen.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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