• Title/Summary/Keyword: Optimal shipment

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Performance Evaluation of Advance Warning System for Transporting Hazardous Materials (위험물 운송을 위한 조기경보시스뎀 성능평가)

  • Oh Sei-Chang;Cho Yong-Sung
    • The Journal of The Korea Institute of Intelligent Transport Systems
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    • v.4 no.1 s.6
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    • pp.15-29
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    • 2005
  • Truck Shipment Safety Information, which is a part of the development of NERIS is divided into Optimal Route Guidance System and Emergency Response System. This research is for establishing an advance warning system, which aims for preventing damages(fire, explosion, gas-escape etc.) and detecting incidents that are able to happen during transporting hazardous materials in advance through monitoring the position of moving vehicles and the state of hazardous materials in real-time. This research is peformed to confirm the practical possibility of application of the advance warning system that monitors whether the hazardous materials transport vehicles move the allowed routes, finds the time and the location of incidents of the vehicles promptly and develops the emergency system that is able to respond to the incidents as well by using the technologies of CPS, CDMA and CIS with testing the ability of performance. As the results of the test, communication accuracies are 99$\%$ in freeway, 96$\%$ in arterial, 97$\%$ in hilly sections, 99$\%$ in normal sections, 96$\%$ in local sections, 99$\%$ in urban sections and 98$\%$ in tunnels. According to those results, the system has been recorded a high success rate of communication that enough to apply to the real site. However, the weak point appeared through the testing is that the system has a limitation of communication that is caused in the rural areas and certain areas where are fewer antennas that make communication possible between on-board unit and management server. Consequently, for the practical use of this system, it is essential to develop the exclusive en-board unit for the vehicles and find the method that supplements the receiving limitation of the GPS coordinates inside tunnels. Additionally, this system can be used to regulate illegal acts automatically such as illegal negligence of hazardous materials. And the system can be applied to the study about an application scheme as a guideline for transporting hazardous materials because there is no certain management system and act of toxic substances in Korea.

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Growth of Tomato and Pepper Grafted Plug Seedlings under Different Shading Condition During Acclimatization after Graft-taking (접목활착 후 순화시 차광조건에 따른 토마토와 고추 접목묘의 생육)

  • Jo, Hyeon Gyu;Jeong, Hyeon Woo;Lee, Hye Ri;Kwon, Su Min;Hwang, Hee Sung;Hwang, Seung Jae
    • Journal of Bio-Environment Control
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.10-18
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    • 2021
  • Acclimatization after grafting and graft-take that in order to produce plug seedlings of high-quality are important plug seedling stage which not reduce the plug seedlings quality before shipment. Appropriate acclimatization environment can not only increase seedling quality before secondary growth period, but also effective in promoting the growth of plug seedlings. This study was conducted to determine the optimal the shading period and shading level for acclimatization of tomato and pepper grafted plug seedlings after graft-take. The tomato and pepper seedlings were used in this experiment, and after graft-take, a tunnel was installed on a bed in glasshouse of venlo type to started shading treatment. The shading levels were 35, 55, 75 and 95%, and the shading periods were 1 and 2 weeks, and non-treatment was set as the control. In the case of tomato grafted plug seedling, plant height, stem diameter, dry weight of root, leaf area were significantly higher at the shading period of 1 week and the shading level was 55%. In the case of pepper grafted plug seedling, plant height, stem diameter, and leaf area were the highest in the shading period of 2 weeks and the shading level was 35%. However, dry weight of root, compactness, and T/R ratio, which seedling quality indicators, were lower than in the shading period of 1 week and the shading level 55%. Therefore, considering the quality of seedlings, it is suggested that shading period of 1 week with shading level of 55% treatment can be suitable to produce high quality grafted plug seedlings of tomato and pepper.

The Concentration of Economic Power in Korea (경제력집중(經濟力集中) : 기본시각(基本視角)과 정책방향(政策方向))

  • Lee, Kyu-uck
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.31-68
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    • 1990
  • The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.

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