• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.1-48
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the Untied Nations' efforts for peace on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. The Untied Nation tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the end of 1950. Once the CCF's entry into the war had been confirmed, the war situation moved to a new phase, and the UN forces, which had guided the war in an effort to destroy the NKP A forces, and to punish North Korea, had to set up new guidelines to cope with the new situation. Accordingly, in late November, 1950, the UN forces camp, mainly the US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the United Nations Command, discussed various options, such as an expansion of the war up to the Chinese territory, a cease fire along the 38th Parallel, or a forced and inevitable evacuation. The Korean delegation to the UN insisted that "the unification of Korea should be achieved only by victory in the war. The Chinese intervention in the war is a Challenge to the UN in the same way as the North Korean invasion. The UN participation in the war was to repulse the invasion. With the same spirit we should drive back the Chinese Communists." The Korean delegation also emphasized to the friendly nations the political objective and will of unification, and that a cease fire at a threshold of unification might return us to the status quo ante bellum, and would be contrary to the Korean nation's desire. At that time, particularly, the US strongly considered the employment of nuclear weapons as one of the new strategies to cope with the Chinese invasion. The international effects of these casual remarks were realized almost at once. The British Prime Minister who had not wanted the expansion of war in the Far East, especially from the view point of the interest of NATO's security, visited Washington. so the conference had a very important meaning for the UN forces' new strategy. On the other hand, at the UN, on the 5th of December, the very day Truman and Attlee agreed to seek a cease-fire under UN auspices, a group of thirteen Asian and Arab states proposed to ask China and North Korea not to cross the 38th Parallel, and sounded out both sides about a cease fire along the 38th Parallel. The United States and the United Kingdom gave their assent, but China and North Korea gave no direct response. The CCF, who were securing the initiative of operation, were not agreeable with the proposal of the UN forces. The Untied Nation has tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the December of 1950 and January of 1951. The Untied Nations' has achieved great results to negotiate for the peace plan on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. It's the results considering both the operation situation and political opinions.

• American Studies
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.155-182
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• 2021

This study explores how American war films modify or reenact American exceptionalism depending on political and social situations in the United States. To this end, it analyzes the two war films, Saving Private Ryan and We Were Soldiers that were released before and after the 9/11 attacks as a critical juncture in the twenty first century, respectively. While the former conducts a partial modification on American exceptionalism in order to restore the national identity and moral authority of the United States lost ever since the Vietnam War, the latter demonstrates a complete reenactment of American exceptionalism in accordance with the foreign policy of the Bush administration and neoconservatism. It concludes with the illumination that the examination of American war films within the framework of American exceptionalism is efficacious in understanding from a broad perspective how American exceptionalism is utilized depending on political and social situations in the United States.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Military Science and Technology
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.46-54
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• 2015

Wargame simulators are widely used in the field of defence modeling and simulation. Because of increasing importance of communication effects on the warfare, the war game simulator is also required to reflect communication effects. One way to satisfy the requirement is the interoperation simulation between war game simulator and communication effect simulators. This paper shows the application of interoperation simulation between war game and communication effect simulators using HLA(High-Level Architecture)/RTI(RunTime Infrastructure). The war game simulator mainly deal with the engagement of troops and the troops communicate each other at the mission execution level. In the other hand, The communication effect simulator perform communication actions between the troops in the engineering level. Using the interoperation simulation, we can reflect the communication effects on the war game simulation. We show various applications of the interoperation simulation with the point of the war game and communication effect simulator. with a case study, we explain the interoperation simulation improves the reality and fidelity of the war game simulator and how the interoperation simulation can be applied to developing doctrines and real communication system.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.169-238
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• 2010

The year 2010 is the 60th anniversary commemorating the Korean War. China intervened in the Korean War with the logics such as "To Resist the U.S.'s Aggression and Aid North Korea," "Save Endangered Home & defend Nation," and "If the Lips Are Gone, the Teeth Will Be Exposed to the Cold or If One of Them Falls, the Other is in Danger." However, China had a deep and long connection with North Korea through 1st Chinese Civil War, war against Japan imperialism, and 2nd Chinese Civil War. China has consulted with Kim Il-sung on his invasion of South Korea at the initial stage of development and played a casting vote role in the execution of the invasion plan. During the Korean War, the PLA supported the North Korea's regime by its action, and made the Korea Peninsula divide into two semi-permanently. Even after the war, China continues to maintain relations with North Korea by helping North Korea build the Kim Il-sung's Kingdom. Currently, whenever any issue related to North Korea rises in the international society, China definitely gets involved in those issues and exercises its power. Conditionally 'either armed aggression or, and wartime' in North Korea, China would follow the "Clause of Military Auto Intervention." In addition, China is very likely to establish refugee camps for North Koreans in the Northeastern-Three-Province and to provide rear bases or guerrilla camps for pro-Chinese sects. Furthermore, voluntarily playing a role as spokesman of North Korean Regime in the international society, China will exercise enormous influence on the reunification of the Korean Peninsula.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.223-251
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• 2018

This paper comparatively considered how Korea and Japan address the concept of 'postwar' in descriptions of their literary history. In Japan, 'postwar' refers to the period after World War II (Asia-Pacific War). This word implies a variety of contexts such as collapse, poverty, confusion, calendar reform, reconstruction and restoration as well as a series of historical events such as war, war defeat, and American occupation; and so it has been treated in Japanese society a significant period. In the history of Korean literature, it is after national liberation that the word 'postwar' appeared; however, it has usually indicated 'the period after the Korean War.' The question is that although the term of postwar refers to periods after different wars, Koreans used the term of postwar also in the same way as Japan, and their concept of postwar overlaps with the concept of prewar or postwar used in Japan, and accordingly, side effects are produced that fail to grasp properly the independent characteristics and significance of the Korean War. In conclusion, the Korean War brought about contrasting effects on the history of Korean and Japanese literature. While the Korean War meant a start after the war in Korean literature, it became a turning point marking the end of postwar in Japanese literature. Such different perceptions on postwar also have major implications in that perceptions represent postwar discourses in today's Korea and Japan.

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.3-12
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to analyze the Characteristic and Changing Process of Refugees' Housing in the Korean War. Refugees' Housing is one of the unique forms of housing that emerged during the acute situation in the war. During the Korean War, Busan became the Wartime Capital and various housing policies were implemented for the influx of refugees. Various types of housing appeared in Busan during the war, and the type analysis and characteristic of these types were revealed through literature and case studies. Accordingly, the product of study was indicated in the meaning of the housing restoration policy enforced during the war and the housing type exhibited by refugees from the perspective of housing.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.25-30
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• 2022

This study is a study on the filter bubble reinforcement phenomenon of SNS recommendation algorithm such as YouTube, which is a characteristic of the Russian-Ukraine war (2022), and the victory or defeat factors of the hybrid war. This war is identified as a hybrid war, and the use of New Media based on the SNS recommendation algorithm is emerging as a factor that determines the outcome of the war beyond political leverage. For this reason, the filter bubble phenomenon goes beyond the dictionary meaning of confirmation bias that limits information exposed to viewers. A YouTube video of Ukrainian President Zelensky encouraging protests in Kyiv garnered 7.02 million views, but Putin's speech only 800,000, which is a evidence that his speech was not exposed to the recommendation algorithm. The war of these SNS recommendation algorithms tends to develop into an algorithm war between the US (YouTube, Twitter, Facebook) and China (TikTok) big tech companies. Influenced by US companies, Ukraine is now able to receive international support, and in Russia, under the influence of Chinese companies, Putin's approval rating is over 80%, resulting in conflicting results. Since this algorithmic empowerment is based on the confirmation bias of public opinion by 'filter bubble', the justification that a new guideline setting for this distortion phenomenon should be presented shortly is drawing attention through this Russia-Ukraine war.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.6
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• pp.176-184
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to analyze the Korean War photographs in Korean history textbooks. This paper deals with the ways of describing Korean War in history textbooks. The Korean War photographs adopted in this study, using qualitative and quantitative analysis. The photographs analyzed for this study were in the 6 different textbooks in high school level. This paper focuses on how photographs of the textbooks help students create various memories about Korea War. The photographs of the textbooks, before the 7th Educational Process, decribe Korean War as victorious war. Meanwhile, the Korean War photographs in Korean modern and contemporary history textbook emphasize traumas of the war.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War was a "three-layer compounded war" between the US and Russia, Russia and Ukraine, and Ukrainian government forces and rebels. First, the war is a phenomenon that occurred when the western sphere of influence seeking to maintain and strengthen the liberal international order and the Sino-Russian sphere of influence seeking a new alternative order collided in Ukraine, a geopolitical fault zone. Second, this war is the result of a typical 'security dilemma' phenomenon caused by the 'chain reaction' game of NATO's continuous expansion and Russia's response. Third, the Russia-Ukraine war was caused by the Russian military projection to prevent the military restoration of Donbas region by Ukraine. Until now, the Western world, led by the US, showed unexpected solidarity after the war despite subtle differences in positions. However, the non-Western world, including China, is not participating in the condemnation and sanctions against Russia. This war will be an important turning point in the existence and change of the current international order that has been formed and is operating since the end of the Cold War. The direction of maintenance/restoration, revision/change, and end/transformation of the current international order is highly likely to be determined depending on the development pattern and method of ending the war.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.5
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• pp.173-202
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• 2007

After successful nuclear tests Pakistan launched a more severe surprise attack toward India than before. It is highly possible that North Korea will adopt this Pakistan military strategy if it is armed with nuclear weapons. The North Korean forces armed, with nuclear bombs could make double its war capability through strengthening aggressive force structure and come into effect on blocking reinforcement of the US forces at the initial phase of war time. Therefore we may regard that Pyongyang's nuclear arming is a major one of various factors which increase possibility of waging a conventional warfare or a nuclear war. North Korea's high self-confidence after nuclear arming will heighten tension on the Korean Peninsula via aggressive military threat or terror toward South Korea, and endeavor to accomplish its political purpose via low-intensity conflicts. For instance, nuclear arming of the Pyongyang regime enforces the North Korean forces to invade the Northern Limit Line(NLL), provoke naval battles at the West Sea, and occupy one or two among the Five Islands at the West Sea. In that case, the South Korean forces will be faced with a serious dilemma. In order to recapture the islands, Seoul should be ready for escalating a war. However it is hard to imagine that South Korea fights with North Korea armed with nuclear weapons. This paper concludes that the Pyongyang regime after nuclear arming strongly tends to occupy superiority of military strategy and wage military provocations on the Korean Peninsula.