• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.361-395
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• 2019

This paper take a media archaeological approach to cinema transformed into a narrative medium during its transitional period, 1903-1915. To accomplish this, I will explore the question of as which narrative medium cinema was imagined and also how it was institutionalized as a narrative medium with authorship. I will explain that the imaginary and real ideas and changes on cinema resonated with each other on the foundation of its technological aspects such as indexicality, 23 frames/sec. and montage. It was during the transitional period that cinema was transformed from a medium representing spectacle to a medium of narration. The establishment of the American film copyright law in 1912 was an institutional, real outcome from the contemporary understanding of cinema as a narrative medium. At the same time, various ideas emerged that led to imagining of cinema as a complete narrative medium, incomparable to any other. From a media archaeological perspective, the imaginary ideas of media resonate with their actual course of development. These imaginary ideas are not just imaginary, but rather reflect the contemporary desire for the medium. This paper looks into the transitional period based on this media archaeological point of view. To this end, this paper will briefly introduce the notion of media archaeology as a media theory and then discuss Eric Kluitenberg's concept of 'an archaeology of imaginary media' and its methodologies. Second, it will explore literary and cinematic imagining of cinema as a powerful medium of storytelling, while discussing the ways in which cinema's technological characteristics played a decisive role in these imaginings. Also to show the techno-deterministic role of cinema in the real world, this paper will explore how its technological characteristics were considered as an important element in the processes through which America's first motion picture copyright was institutionalized in 1912 after two historical copyright cases: one is Edison v. Lubin in 1903 and Kalem v. Harper Brothers in 1909. Ultimately, this paper will lead us to an understanding of the history of cinema as a medium and its developments in more multi-layed way, as communication between the real and imaginary, and give us perspectives toward what cinema is.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.152
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• pp.59-79
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• 2019

The main purpose of this paper is to critically examine the intractable problems of Peirce's notion of 'symbol' as a higher and perfect mode of sign, and present a more appropriate account of the higher status of symbol from an experientialist perspective. Peirce distinguished between icon, index, and symbol, and suggested symbol to be a higher mode of sign, in that it additionally requires "interpretation." Within Peirce's picture, the matter of interpretation is to be explained in terms of "interpretant," while icon or index are not. However, Peirce's conception of "interpretant" itself remains fraught with intractable opacities, thereby leaving the nature of symbol in a misty conundrum. Drawing largely on the experientialist account of the nature and structure of symbolic experience, I try to explicate the complexity of symbol in terms of "the symbolic mapping." According to experientialism, our experience consists of two levels, i.e., physical and symbolic. Physical experience can be extended to symbolic level largely by means of "symbolic mapping," and yet is strongly constrained by physical experience. Symbolic mapping is the way in which we map part of certain physical experience onto some other area, thereby understanding the other area in terms of the mapped part of the physical experience. According to this account, all the signs, icon, index, and symbol a la Peirce, are constructed by way of symbolic mapping. While icon and index are constructed by mapping physical level experience onto some signifier(i.e. Peirce's "representamen"), symbol is constructed by mapping abstract level experience onto some signifier. Considering the experientialist account that abstract level of experience is constructed by way of symbolic mapping of physical level of experience, the symbolic mapping of abstract level of experience onto some other area is a secondary one. Thus, symbol, being constructed by way of secondary or more times mapping, becomes a higher level sign. This analysis is based on the idea that explaining the nature of sign is a matter of explaining that symbolic experience, leaving behind Peirce's realist conception of sign as a matter of an event or state of affairs out there. In conclusion, I suggest that this analysis will open up new possibilities for a more appropriate account of the nature of signs, beyond Peirce's complicated riddles.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.347-368
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• 2011

This article is a review of the composition pattern of Suryukjae, which is one of the Buddhist ceremonies, and a consideration of the performance process. As one of the ceremonies leading the dead to heaven performed in the Buddhist circle, Suryukjae had been performed in Buddhist temples nationwide, but currently, it remains only in several Buddhist temples. Suryukjae is composed as follows. First, the early part of Suryukjae is a stage of preparing Suryukjae and ensuring legitimacy; thus, it has no detailed Jaecha except for Gwanyok. It is made up of Onghoge and Dage, has no Somun, and is centered on Yojabbara. The middle part of Suryukjae is a part in which Suryukjae is performed on a full-scale, which wishes the achievement of the goal of Suryukjae. It is made up of Geobul, Dage, and Somun, and is centered on Sadaranibara. Furthermore, this part delineates the flow of the Jaecha concerned as it contains detailed Jaecha. Meanwhile, in the middle part of Suryukjae, there is only detailed Jaecha called Sajadanman Bongsong (sending off), and the rest parts including Orodan, upper part, middle part, and lower part, in which there is no detailed Jaecha called Bongsong. The fact that there is no Bongsong in this part means all Bongsong is made in Heuihyang Bongsong, which is the last Jaecha. This implies that Saja, which is enshrined in Sajadan, is the essence of the achievement of the goal of Suryukjae. Only when there is Saja, Muju, Yuju, and Gohon (the meaning of all spirits) can be led to heaven. Also, from a rough perspective, this part is connected to other Chundojae (ceremony for sending off the dead to heaven) in Korea. There is a geori(Jaecha) that calls in Saja also in Jinogigut (exorcism) of Seoul. Then, although various gods from the otherworld are coming in in succession, to which Saja enters clearly shows a process in that Saja returns to the next world with the dead through . Just as demonstrates a process in that Saja returns to the next world with the dead in Jinogigut, also in Suryukjae, Saja needs to return to the next world with Gohon; therefore, at least Sajadan has detailed Jaecha called Bongsong. That is, this means that although Suryukjae of Buddhism is different from other Chundojae in terms of the composition of Jaecha, its notion about Saja is the same.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.43-62
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• 2010

The notion of customer orientation is now importantly considered in the context of banking industries. Despite customer-oriented organizational cultures, there are few studies addressing the relationship between customer orientation and its outcomes. In particular, this study aims at testing the effect of customer orientation as a key marketing effort designed by a bank. This is because interest rate sensitivity is critical for evaluating banking services after raising the base rate. In so doing, first, this study investigates the relationships among customer orientation, interest rate sensitivity, and customer loyalty. Second, this paper examines how the moderating effects of both deposit interest and loan interest rates influence the linkages of customer orientation-interest rate sensitivity and customer orientation-customer loyalty. To test the proposed model, research data are collected from 304 subjects who use banking services(e.g., Shin-Han, Kookmin, the First Bank, Hana, and Woori banks). Each construct was measured by published items and the psychometric properties of the three constructs, excluding two constructs of the moderators, were evaluated by employing the method of confirmatory factor analysis via the use of AMOS. The model fit was also evaluated using the CFI, TLI, and RMSEA fit indices that are recommended based on their relative stability and insensitivity to sample size. The findings show that the relationship between customer orientation and customer loyalty is significant, whereas the relationships between customer orientation and interest rate sensitivity and between interest rate sensitivity and customer loyalty are not supported. Although customer orientation is highly evaluated, customers' interest rate sensitivity that results in the comparison of interest rates plays an important role in reducing the effect of customer orientation. As a consequence, interest rate sensitivity does not influence customer loyalty. First of all, one of interesting results in this study is that the moderating effect of loan interest rate is quite different from deposit interest rate. In the case of deposit interest rate, the linkages both customer orientation-interest rate sensitivity and customer orientation-customer loyalty are insignificant. In the case of loan interest rate, however, the two proposed linkages are supported. As our proposed relationships are still in its infancy in the context of banking industry, our study contributes to enhance scholars' knowledge of bank services and provides insights for practitioners when their marketing strategies, particularly both deposit and interest rates, have to be established. Finally, this research also illuminates the need for further research that considers the influence of customer orientation on consumer's decision-making and bank profits. More specifically, the results are encouraging and will lead us to further investigate this key outcome of the banking deposit/interest rates.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.288-318
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• 2023

This work began with the aim of examining the history of the concept "cultural property" that is expected to disappear, and the main subject of research was the history that preceded the spread of this notion throughout society. The phrase "cultural property" first appeared in the 1920s, and was used in various fields such as literature, history, music, and philosophy in the context of cultural resources. Until immediately following liberation from the Japanese colonial era, the meaning of cultural assets was widely applied in the range of "cultural resources," and during this period, it was often used to help supplant the reality and history of Japanese occupation. Immediately after the Korean War, it was also employed for the purpose of 'restoration of cultural resources through war'. Recognition of cultural property directly influenced by Japan's Cultural Heritage Protection Act has occurred since 1950s. In the early 1960s, the enactment of various laws related to cultural properties and the establishment of the Cultural Heritage Administration caused the meaning of cultural property to be limited to 'cultural heritage'. In this way, the definition of state-led cultural property has continued to apply to this day. It has not been clearly confirmed whether the concept of cultural properties was imported from Japan through means such as the Cultural Heritage Protection Act. Cases in which several Japanese students endorsed the concept of cultural property within Korea serve to increase the likelihood that the concept was indeed imported from Japan. However, "coined language using multiple Chinese characters," "the phenomenon of cultural complex words in the 1920s,", and "cases of non-Japanese international students using the concept of cultural property" also open up the possibility of their own occurrence. Apart from the general importance of the concept of cultural property, intellectuals at the time used this concept to promote internal development and the overcoming of colonial Joseon. In this research, it was confirmed that the conceptual word cultural property was older and had a wider history than the general perception had indicated previously. The history of the conceptual term "cultural property" may appear to be more than 60 years old based on the enactment of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act, but in fact it is nearly 100 years old when traced back to on 1925, as established here. In general, the creation and disappearance of terms may proceed naturally with social change, but such terms may alternatively be created or erased through national policy. Identifying the origins of a phrase that is about to disappear represents a significant task for purposes of establishing its historical meaning.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.123-139
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• 2023

Incubating future social entrepreneurs is of increasing importance for governments and industries that aim to create positive social changes through innovative, market-based solutions. Considering the distinct and challenging nature of a social entrepreneurial career, prior research has explored various antecedents of the formation of social entrepreneurial intention. The current research aims to contribute to the literature by examining social class as a potential precursor of individuals' social entrepreneurial intention formation, with a specific focus on social entrepreneurial identity aspiration as the underlying psychological mechanism and communal narcissism as the contingent factor. Using a two-wave survey data collected among 144 potential entrepreneurs from South Korea, we tested a moderated mediation model to validate the research propositions. The findings can be summarized as follows. First, lower social class was associated with higher social entrepreneurial identity aspiration. Second, when communal narcissism was high(low), the negative relationship between social class and social entrepreneurial identity aspiration was stronger(weaker). Third, communal narcissism moderated the negative impact of social class on social entrepreneurial intention via its effect on social entrepreneurial identity aspiration. This study has significant implications on several fronts. First, we explore the motivations that drive individuals from lower-class backgrounds to participate in social entrepreneurship, going beyond the previous notion that a higher-class context promotes entrepreneurial pursuits. Second, we delve into the underlying mechanism and condition that influence the formation of social entrepreneurial intentions, highlighting the pivotal roles played by social entrepreneurial identity aspiration and communal narcissism. Our findings provide practical insights for institutions seeking to foster the involvement of prospective social entrepreneurs from lower-class backgrounds, thereby generating positive outcomes for marginalized communities.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.48
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• pp.199-237
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• 2024

Donghak-gyo, the Teaching of Eastern Learning, is a new religious order founded by Kim Ju-hee, centered around the Donghak (Eastern Learning) lineage. The core thought conveyed in the lyrics of Donghak-gyo songs (gasa) can be identified as the concept of 'Return to the Former World (先天),' considering the frequency of the term and the content of the recited verses. The view of time and destiny (時運觀) held by Eastern Learning emphasizes the concept of 'Another Great Opening.' Donghak-gyo's perspective on time and destiny is further rooted in the concept of 'Return to the Former World.' Donghak-gyo particularly emphasizes the term 'Former World,' and incorporates the Study of Changes (易學) into their songs. They recite verses that depict the situation of the Great Opening as an interaction between yin and yang. In Donghak-gyo, it is emphatically asserted that the completion of the Later World's destiny leads to the achievement of the 'Return to the Former World.' It is sung that with the restoration of destiny associated with the 'Return to the Former World,' the symbolic 'Spring (春)' represented by the virtue of Wood (木德) will return. Donghak-gyo describes the unfolding of a new cycle of destiny (運數) as the 'restoration of Changes (易).' When this occurs, they refer to the emerging new world, characterized by a new order and norms, as the 'Return to the Former World,' asserting that a 'moral world' will be established, leading to the development of a moral civilization. It is also sung that the restoration of the destiny associated with the Return to the Former World is akin to the restoration of the Heavenly Dao (天道). The characteristics of the concept of the Return to the Former World are threefold: firstly, it advocates a nostalgic system; secondly, it is a backward-looking thought; and thirdly, the idea of 'cyclical repetition' encourages tangible actions such as 'returning to the origin' or 'restoring fundamentals.' The concept of Return to the Former World in Donghak-gyo, unlike many new religions of those days, provided a unique conceptualization and understanding of the Former World and presented a new framework for interpretation. It moved away from the notion of discarding the Former World as a relic of an outdated era, and instead interpreted it as a new era to be embraced. Therefore, the concept of 'Return to the Former World' in Donghak-gyo should be re-assessed as one of the ideologies that inherits the pursuit of returning to and restoring the past in Eastern traditions. However, it can be criticized for lacking a concrete methodology with regards to the 'Return to the Former World.' Additionally, it is noted for deficiencies in ethical consciousness and moral virtues. Furthermore, its explanation about the Former World come across as insufficient. Thus, the concept of the 'Return to the Former World' in Donghak-gyo seems to be characterized more by declarative slogans than substantive content.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.224-264
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• 2010

A brief story of the tale follows : Mokdoryung was a son of an arbor tree and a fairly. When the boy was 7-8 years old, mother-fairy returned to the sky. By using father-tree, Mokdoryung survived from the flood where he saved ants, mosquitos, and a boy with the same age. They arrived on top of the highest mountain, met an old woman with two daughters, worked as servants. With help of insects, Mokdoryung passed the trials, married to a wise daughter and 2 couples became the ancestor of the mankind. Interpretation of the tale starts with amplification of tree which symbolizes Self and Libido. As the son of the tree-spirit and a fairly from the sky, Mokdoryung is a kind of 'divine child' which represents a psychic possibility to understand archetypal nature of unconscious. Adversities of early childhood due to mother's absence regarded as necessary condition for 'divine child' to attain highest good. Flood can be compensation of absence of feminine as well as to bring a new life. The notion of father·tree becomes a kind of life-boat has to do with union of opposite(vertical phallic tree and horizontal feminine boat). Ants and mosquitoes represent upper and lower level of unconsciousness, they mediate divine power. Therefore respecting insects means respecting unconscious, and reward of insects means salvation come from unconscious. The boy saved from the flood presents emergence of psychic energy in its latent unconscious condition to create mental dynamism. The old woman is Great Mother or anima, the controller or guider of unconscious. Working as servants can be an active service for the divine marriage. Trials of separating millet from sand, and finding right direction relate to separatio, means one needs to be separated from unconscious before conunctio, union of opposite. Two sets of couple becoming ancestor of man-kind has to do with number 4 (quaternity) as well as regeneration. Although the tale includes both positive couple (Mokdoryung, wise daugther in east room). and negative couple(shadow side of Mokdoryung, step daughter in west room)as ancestors of mankind, "Good" seems to be more valued than "evil".

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.65-101
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• 2010

By considering the final purpose and meaning of two fairy-tales, we can summarize two things. Firstly, a woman with father complex not only positive, but also negative can easily sacrifice her femininity and her own personality as an individual. A woman with father complex has to get out of father imago. By separating from father imago, she can make her own steps to realize her own personality, namely individuation. During normal development, detachment to instinct and archetypal contents can cause problems normally to the ego consciousness. Contrary to this developmental notion, women with father complex experience problems because they are too closely attached to father archetype. Therefore, continuous excessive identification of ego with father imago or a state of ego caught by father imago leads to death of her own personality. Some women intentionally attach to father imago in order to be powerful or to receive magical power of father archetype to make compensation to her inferiority and deficiency. Weak ego wants to be stronger and superior by intentional attachment to father imago. Then, she can succeed in some tasks in life. But These successes are not by her own effort, but by magical or superhuman power of father imago. During early childhood, young girl with weak ego strongly attaches to father imago to make success and achieve goals by magical power. She wants to compensate her weak ego. But the more her ego makes successes in real life with help of father imago, the more she loses her own character or personality. Ego can be strong enough only when it is detached or separated itself from father imago. In other side, there is a woman destined to realize request by the father imago. She is chosen by the collective unconscious, though she try to run away from dominant power. In this case, ego of selected woman is not weak. She is destined to be a heroine. She knows that she has to complete every task given to her to realize what father imago wants, and she will not own any of her products at all. She is a real or true heroine. She wants to avoid her destiny, but she can't and should not do it. Secondly, a woman with father complex is called for again to save father imago or to solve problems of father imago. In this case, father imago of a woman should be considered to be related to the collective conscious. Therefore, it is said that all women with father complex are invited for healing the society or the collective consciousness. To complete this request, she has to heal herself by recovering her femininity. The healing power is based on the maternal receptive capacity. In modern society, the women are always demanded to be a social being. These social demands can make women caught by father complex. In this sense, number of women with father complex are increasing. Through the understanding of two fairy-tales, increased number of women with father complex should be easily considered as events at personal level, but seriously considered as a phenomenon reflecting problems in the collective consciousness of our age. In the other hand, all women with father complex are invited to solve the problem of modern society. She will be able to realize her own individuation without being possessed by father imago, to save our society and to become a heroine of our age.

• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.231-238
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• 2010

The anthropomorphism of brands, defined as seeing human beings in brands (Puzakova, Kwak, and Rosereto, 2008) is the focus of this study. Specifically, the research objective is to understand the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike. By analyzing consumer readings of stories found on food product packages we intend to show how marketers and consumers humanize a spectrum of brands and create meanings. Our research question considers the possibility that a single brand may host multiple or single meanings, associations, and personalities for different consumers. We start by highlighting the theoretical and practical significance of our research, explain why we turn our attention to packages as vehicles of brand meaning transfer, then describe our qualitative methodology, discuss findings, and conclude with a discussion of managerial implications and directions for future studies. The study was designed to directly expose consumers to potential vehicles of brand meaning transfer and then engage these consumers in free verbal reflections on their perceived meanings. Specifically, we asked participants to read non-nutritional stories on selected branded food packages, in order to elicit data about received meanings. Packaging has yet to receive due attention in consumer research (Hine, 1995). Until now, attention has focused solely on its utilitarian function and has generated a body of research that has explored the impact of nutritional information and claims on consumer perceptions of products (e.g., Loureiro, McCluskey and Mittelhammer, 2002; Mazis and Raymond, 1997; Nayga, Lipinski and Savur, 1998; Wansik, 2003). An exception is a recent study that turns its attention to non-nutritional packaging narratives and treats them as cultural productions and vehicles for mythologizing the brand (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). The next step in this stream of research is to explore how such mythologizing activity affects brand personality perception and how these perceptions relate to consumers. These are the questions that our study aimed to address. We used in-depth interviews to help overcome the limitations of quantitative studies. Our convenience sample was formed with the objective of providing demographic and psychographic diversity in order to elicit variations in consumer reflections to food packaging stories. Our informants represent middle-class residents of the US and do not exhibit extreme alternative lifestyles described by Thompson as "cultural creatives" (2004). Nine people were individually interviewed on their food consumption preferences and behavior. Participants were asked to have a look at the twelve displayed food product packages and read all the textual information on the package, after which we continued with questions that focused on the consumer interpretations of the reading material (Scott and Batra, 2003). On average, each participant reflected on 4-5 packages. Our in-depth interviews lasted one to one and a half hours each. The interviews were tape recorded and transcribed, providing 140 pages of text. The products came from local grocery stores on the West Coast of the US and represented a basic range of food product categories, including snacks, canned foods, cereals, baby foods, and tea. The data were analyzed using procedures for developing grounded theory delineated by Strauss and Corbin (1998). As a result, our study does not support the notion of one brand/one personality as assumed by prior work. Thus, we reveal multiple brand personalities peacefully cohabiting in the same brand as seen by different consumers, despite marketer attempts to create more singular brand personalities. We extend Fournier's (1998) proposition, that one's life projects shape the intensity and nature of brand relationships. We find that these life projects also affect perceived brand personifications and meanings. While Fournier provides a conceptual framework that links together consumers’ life themes (Mick and Buhl, 1992) and relational roles assigned to anthropomorphized brands, we find that consumer life projects mold both the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike and the ways in which brands connect to consumers' existential concerns. We find two modes through which brands are anthropomorphized by our participants. First, brand personalities are created by seeing them through perceived demographic, psychographic, and social characteristics that are to some degree shared by consumers. Second, brands in our study further relate to consumers' existential concerns by either being blended with consumer personalities in order to connect to them (the brand as a friend, a family member, a next door neighbor) or by distancing themselves from the brand personalities and estranging them (the brand as a used car salesman, a "bunch of executives.") By focusing on food product packages, we illuminate a very specific, widely-used, but little-researched vehicle of marketing communication: brand storytelling. Recent work that has approached packages as mythmakers, finds it increasingly challenging for marketers to produce textual stories that link the personalities of products to the personalities of those consuming them, and suggests that "a multiplicity of building material for creating desired consumer myths is what a postmodern consumer arguably needs" (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). Used as vehicles for storytelling, food packages can exploit both rational and emotional approaches, offering consumers either a "lecture" or "drama" (Randazzo, 2006), myths (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007; Holt, 2004; Thompson, 2004), or meanings (McCracken, 2005) as necessary building blocks for anthropomorphizing their brands. The craft of giving birth to brand personalities is in the hands of writers/marketers and in the minds of readers/consumers who individually and sometimes idiosyncratically put a meaningful human face on a brand.