Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.
This paper introduces the different Southeast Asian Studies academic programs of three universities in northeast Asia namely: Peking University (China); Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (Japan); and Busan University of Foreign Studies (Korea). This study mainly focuses on the Philippines as part of Southeast Asian studies program in the said universities. The researcher utilized archival work related to the Southeast Asian studies programs of each university. The study also examined the curriculum of the program, background of faculty, and motivations of students in studying Southeast Asian studies by conducting interviews and surveys. Strength, Weakness, Opportunities, Threats (SWOT) Analysis was employed by the researcher in analyzing the data from the different universities. Finally, in mapping out the teaching of Filipino language and Philippine-related subjects, this paper argued that Northeast Asian universities established a Southeast Asian Studies focused on Philippines because of various socio-economic-political factors, and not only because of the Filipino diaspora in the region.
In the Northeast Asian region, including Korea, China, and Japan, with rapid economic growth since the 1990s, intra-regional oil logistics has been increasing. Under such external circumstances, Korea has been pursuing a policy to become a Northeast Asian petroleum logistics hub since the mid-2000s. In order to become a Northeast Asian logistics hub, it is important to establish and promote a business model to promote the value-added oil logistics business. This study aims to propose policies and practical implications for increasing petroleum logistics by analyzing Korea's petroleum logistics business model in Northeast Asia. The results of case analysis through interviews with 23 tank terminal companies are as follows. First, most of the oil storage tank terminal companies interviewed are conducting value-added petroleum logistics such as blending, breaking bulk, and consolidation etc. Second, value-added petroleum logistics is caused by an imbalance in supply and demand among neighboring countries in Northeast Asia. In particular, there is a high demand for breaking bulk and blending connecting Japan, Oceania, the United States, and South America. Third, it is necessary to promote the promotion of value-added logistics by improving infrastructure, institutions, and regulations in response to the demand for value-added petroleum logistics, which will greatly contribute to Korea's policy for being Northeast Asian oil hub.
This study considers an approach for subregional fisheries organization in Northeast Asia. The fishery resources in the Northeast Asian waters surrounding Korea are among the most productive in the world because of their extremely high biological productivity and the natural features of the sea. However, the fishery resources of the region have long been subject to heavy fishing pressures, and many stocks are now believed to be seriously depleted or even in danger of extinction because of overfishing. To move to a run sustainable fishery in Northeast Asia waters area, cooperative fisheries management between Korea, China and Japan for common resource is probably necessary. Cooperative fisheries management is likely to be more effective in fishery resources management than individual fisheries management by countries. The effects of fisheries management by regional cooperation can be divided into resource management and economical performance. Cooperative fisheries management as RFO will bring satisfactory results. Currently these jurisdictional extensions and resulting disputes over maritime space and resources were thrust upon an already transitional and unstable political environment. However, They have to have a strategic approach for RFO establishment step by step. Cooperative fisheries management using the RFO can mitigate these disputes, and cooperative bilateral fisheries arrangements have been proliferating over the past 10 years and may provide the basis for possible trust-building multilateral agreements.
Competitive and reliable maritime transport services benefit the economy as a whole, and are key efficiency factors for the production of both goods and services. Although maritime transport sector is very liberalized compared to many other service sectors, certain obstacles must be overcome before full liberalization of the maritime transport can be realized. Particularly, maritime transport services in Northeast Asia are regulated by a complicated and outdated system. To remove these barkers two approaches can be used: a regional trading arrangement approach and a multilateral approach via WTO. However, multilateral efforts are not likely to be successful in achieving any concrete progress towards maritime transport liberalization in the short- to medium-term in Northeast Asia. Consequently, it may be the best to take the following two progressive approaches and to make them work towards liberalization of the maritime transport market: a bilateral approach and a trilateral approach. A gradual process of liberalization would expand the market, help operators achieve economies of scale, promote the international division of labor and specialization, enhance the effective management of shipping services, and promote the long-term interests and welfare of the user by improving service quality and diversifying services. A liberalized and integrated maritime transport market in Northeast Asia should achieve both of these long-run policy objectives by benefiting both the transport service users and the transport service providers. In order to move the maritime transport liberalization programs as quickly as possible, it is desirable to establish a "Regional Maritime Transport Liberalization Committee." We suggest it to be a Tripartite (China, Japan and Korea) Committee initially, which can later expand its membership to include other Northeast Asian countries.
Even though Korea has very low possibility that a big earthquake occurs like in Japan, China, Taiwan and United States of America, because it is located on the interior of Eurasian Plate, the earthquake which was struck northeast Japan in March 11th, 2011 gave a big shock to Korean. And small-medium earthquakes have been observed 922 times in Korea since 1978 when an earthquake hit Hong-seong and a seismographic station started observation. Moreover, the number of quakes has been on the increase. In case a big earthquake occurs like in northeast Japan, it would be a terrible disaster for Korean power utilities and brings mega effects on Korean society and economy. So it is necessary to apply anti-earthquake design for new power facilities and to reinforce existing facilities. Therefore, this paper would present anti-earthquake design for transmission line and substation and reinforcement measures for existing facilities.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
/
v.16
no.2
/
pp.182-200
/
2010
This study aims to review the problem of East Asia notation and location in the world geography textbook. Major findings from this study are follows. First, Eastern Asia is used to denote the area where the Korea, China and Japan are located in world geography textbook, while Eastern Asia area covers Korea, China, Japan, Taiwan, and Mongolia on the map. Second, East Asia is appeared in textbook from the 2th national curriculum, as a cultural region shares same cultural tradition. It is recommended that East Asia might be the suitable place name to designate Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia, Northeast Asia can be use for the area where Korea, China, Japan, Taiwan and Mongolia are located.
In recent years, due to the economic growth of the Northeast Asia, the trading relationship among the Asian countries becomes more active, and the mutual level of dependence is increasing. As the general market, the Northeast Asia pursue a function of market and economic activities among the Northeast Asia become more active consistently. It is important that Korea strengthened logistics network connection systems with China and Japan are improving the logistics facilities and expanding the transport network steadily. In order for Korea to improve as a logistics position, Korea needs to build various and efficient multimodal transport system and sets up a position as a major efficient logistics network center. Therefore, this paper intended to analyze transport cost and time of Korea-China-Japan logistics network and suggest a competitive multimodal transport with the maritime transport and new multimodal transport systems by comparing scenarios.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the status of naval arms race in Northeast Asia. To this end, the scope of the research was limited to national security strategies, maritime strategies and naval strengthening of the United States, China, Russia and Japan. The major powers' active maritime strategies and naval arms race give some strategic implications to the Republic of Korea Navy as follows. First, China and Japan, unlike the past, are actively using submarines in offshore waters including the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the ROK Navy must successfully promote the Jangbogo-III-class submarine, which is currently constructed, and get a nuclear-powered submarine and P-8 MPA capable of long-range and long-time operations to enhance ASW capability. Second, North Korea's current building submarines capable of loading SLBMs and SLBMs are a new threat to the ROK Navy. The current building KAMD, which focuses on terminal phase defense, cannot effectively respond to North Korea's SLBMs and should be converted to a multi-layered defense system including SM-3 at a mid-course phase. Third, as China militarizes the South China Sea, the instability of the South China Sea is growing. Therefore, the ROK Navy should strengthen its maritime cooperation with the regional countries such as Japan and ASEAN navies to protect SLOC. In conclusion, the ROK Navy needs to build a strong naval power to keep in mind that the 21st century naval rivalry in Northeast Asia is accelerating. The navy must do one's best to protect national strategic and vital interests by strengthening cooperation with regional countries. South Korea is also accelerating its defense reforms in accordance with the pattern of future warfare and the ROK Navy do one's best to have a balanced naval capability capable of actively operating in the offshore waters.
Under the Trump administration, the U.S. has made clear that "China is America's strategic competitor, revisionist power and a major challenge to America's prosperity and security." The Biden administration has largely inherited this perception of China. China has also responded without backing down. Therefore, the U.S.-China strategic competition has become the most important background factor in the international system and has a great impact on the security situation in Northeast Asia. Nevertheless, if you look at the recent process of establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, we can find that ROK's foreign strategy adjustment has played a key role. This is because establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan depends on improving ROK-Japan relations. And the Yoon Suk Yeol government is pushing for rapid improvement in ROK-Japan relations regardless of domestic political constraints. The trilateral summit at Camp David laid the groundwork for future cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan in security and other broader areas. China is strongly dissatisfied with the formation of trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan. However, this paper argues that although ROK agrees to form trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan, ROK's strategic objectives are not exactly the same as those of the U.S. and Japan. For example, looking back at the development of the U.S.-Japan alliance after the end of the Cold War, both the U.S. and Japan share similar views and perceptions of China's rise. The real goal of the strengthening of the U.S.-Japan alliance in recent years is also how to cope with China's rise. On the other hand, ROK's previous administrations have been negative about trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan. This is because ROK's main strategic goal is to reduce or eliminate threats from DPRK rather than respond to China. Faced with increasing DPRK's provocations and threats, more than half of South Koreans are in favor of reinforcing trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan to contain or mitigate threats from DPRK. As a result, if North Korea's nuclear and missile threats to ROK continue, then ROK's foreign strategy is likely to be to strengthen trilateral security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan to ensure its own safety and survival. If China wants to reduce the strategic pressure from the trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, the best way is to reduce DPRK's provocations and threats to ROK and play a more substantive role in getting DPRK to give up its nuclear program.
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