• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.207-216
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• 2019

Unlike previous studies, which mainly analyzed factors affecting tourism motivation and tourism satisfaction, this study analyzes the political, economic and cultural factors affecting the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea. Empirical results show that political factors such as the Chinese regime, the number of meetings and talks between Korea and China, the number of phone calls between the two countries, and the Korea-China FTA (also as a economic factor) have a significant impact on the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea. In particular, political friendly variables related to economy (ex. Korea-China FTA) has been analyzed to have a more significant positive effect on the number of Chinese tourists to Korea than the factors that create friendly atmosphere only in the political field. In addition to political factors, economic factors such as the Korea-China FTA, and cultural factors such as Korean Wave represented by Korean cosmetics also have a significant impact on the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.297-321
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• 2011

Under the UN Security Council Resolution 1540/1810 in 2004 to restrict the proliferation of WMD (weapons of mass destruction) and their means of delivery, many countries have taken great efforts to, control the export of strategic items, thereby preventing the transfer of ABCM (atomic, biological, chemical weapons, missiles) and technologies and goods related to conventional weapons or dual-use items, Compliance Program (CP) in Korea or Internal Compliance Program(ICP) in Japan refers to a company's internal system or rules to comply with the export control laws and regulations, and is to prevent the unintentional illegal export of strategic items. This paper analyzes the Compliance Program (CP) of strategic export control system between Korea and Japan. Both countries have very similar legal frameworks under the guiding principles of multilateral export control regimes. However, there are some differences in actual procedures, classification service, supporting system, export license, sanctions for illegal exporters, etc. Korea should take more active and customer-oriented measures to promote the Compliance Program (CP) into Korean export companies for better awareness and positive attitude, practical information and education, smoothy government-firm communication, closer cooperation between Korea and Japan, etc.

• Journal of Aerospace System Engineering
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.56-69
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• 2022

Various advanced countries are accelerating the competition in the development of hypersonic weapons. North Korea is on the verge of building a new submarine equipped with a submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM). A series of new guided missiles tests have continued due to political competition between the U.S. and China. The Republic of Korea is planning to boost its military capabilities, which involves the development of nuclear-powered submarines, light aircraft carriers, and new guided missiles. The northeast Asian region continues to be tense amid military rivalry between the Republic of Korea, North Korea, the United States, China, Russia, and Japan. Accordingly, these countries' competition to develop weapons is also at the world's highest level. In this paper, we examine the functioning of a hypersonic weapons system conduct a technical analysis of its components. In addition, we analyze the direction of military development that the Korean military wants to pursue through the recently announced mid-term defense plan. We conclude by highlighting the technical limitations and implementation strategies to overcome the development of hypersonic weapons.

• Journal of Environmental Impact Assessment
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.183-200
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• 2019

In this study, the characteristics of seasonal $PM_{2.5}$ behavior in South Korea and other Northeast Asian regions were analyzed by using the $PM_{2.5}$ ground measurement data, weather data, WRF and CMAQ models. Analysis of seasonal $PM_{2.5}$ behavior in Northeast Asia showed that $PM_{2.5}$ concentration at 6 IMS sites in South Korea was increased by long-distance transport and atmospheric congestion, or decreased by clean air inflow due to seasonal weather characteristics. As a result of analysis by applying BFM to air quality model, the contribution from foreign countries dominantly influenced the $PM_{2.5}$ concentrations of Baengnyeongdo due to the low self-emission and geographical location. In the case of urban areas with high self-emissions such as Seoul and Ulsan, the $PM_{2.5}$ contribution from overseas was relatively low compared to other regions, but the standard deviation of the season was relatively high. This study is expected to improve the understanding of the air pollutant phenomenon by analyzing the characteristics of $PM_{2.5}$ behavior in Northeast Asia according to the seasonal weather condition change. At the same time, this study can be used to establish the air quality policy in the future, knowing that the contribution of $PM_{2.5}$ concentration to the domestic and overseas can be different depending on the regional emission characteristics.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• no.spc
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• pp.137-163
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• 2007

The air market in Asia has already entered upon the age of limitless competition. It means a very important moment in Asia air market. Each Asian country thus has put a lot of effort into a development plan and support to their hub airport. In order to achieve such a plan, first of all we should build closer cooperation system between the two countries Japan and Korea. The Korea and Japan are very fast growing in the northeast countries within the global air transport market. Air passenger and cargo traffic volumes between Korea and Japan have increased dramatically, since the 1990s. In response to such a trend, both countries have opened new airports and expanded existing facilities in the hopes of laying claims to the main international hub airport in Asia. Apart from the trend, air transportation between Korea and Japan's metropolitan areas is the only transportation in substance, even if they are located very closely in geographical position. The air transportation between the two countries shows that it is necessary to get fast and more convenient because of the economic and cultural interchange and exchange concentrated on the metropolitan areas, and that will promote the economic growth of Korea and Japan. However, within the air transportation industry field, there have no sufficient seats/slots to supply the air demand from the capital cities of each country, as well as no counterplan for some problems regarding capacityand sustain ability of metropolitan airports. Thus, it is necessary for us to consider in all aspects and solve them to improve air transportation between Korea and Japan. This paper is to try to demonstrate this matter and from all angles, that is, in legal and political aspects, facilities and given environmental conditions and cooperation between Korea and Japan. I think that it is indeed a great necessary and convenient for many Korean and Japanese tourists to conclude a new 'Open Sky Agreement' between Japan and Korea in order to the prepare the increase of the shuttle flight between Haneda-Gimpo and opening of air route newly for shuttle flight between Haneda and Cheongju as well as opening of air route for shuttle flight between Haneda-Shanghai Hongqiao International Airport and Beijing International Airport for the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. Furthermore it is a great desirable thing for us to conclude a new 'Open Sky Agreement' in cooperation reciprocally among the Japan, China and Korea for opening the new air route by the shuttle flight.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.11
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• pp.163-174
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• 2009

The first Chinese film maker from Korean ethnicity, Jang Ryul is also the first Korean director from Chinese background. As a diaspora himself, he crosses over two countries, trying to look through diaspora viewpoint at diaspora phenomena widely scattered in Northeast Asia. This paper is written in an effort to closely consider his story and style through 3 films, , , and . The main character in is a Korean Chinese woman, Choi Sun Hee, who sells Kimchi in outskirt of a city. is the story about the relationship between Hangai, a Mongolian man who plants trees in deserted prairie and North Korean mother and son in defection from North Korea. treats a group of characters floating around in Iri, the city that was vanished by the explosion 30 years ago. The first thing of the style of Jang Ryul building the diaspora viewpoint is time, crossing the floating space. The second one is the inversion of on-screen space and off-screen space or center and periphery. The third one is the absence of language. Given the fact that discourses about the identity of East Asia flourish these days, his movies, as the fruit of consistent attempt to search for East Asian identity within the filmmaking process, deserve more attentions.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.249-280
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• 2004

This paper analyzes the industrial growth of Korea in the 1990s and its relationship with the nation's export performance. The result shows that total factor productivity (TFP) played a significant role in the growth of some industries, where in particular a sharp increase in TFP was observed in the electrics and electronics industry and the automobile industry in the late 1990s. While CEPII RCA indexes for the Korean industries such as IT industry and automobile industry significantly increased since 1998, only limited evidence was found that TFP or TFI influenced RCA. Investigating Korea's export performance in the Northeast Asian context, this paper shows that, in the 1990s, the growth of Korea's exports to Japan was led by industries that recorded relatively fast growth in total factor input (TFI). In contrast, that to China was almost equally contributed by industries that experienced relatively fast growth in TFP or TFI. This paper also investigates competition between Korea and China, and Korea and Japan in the world market. The competition between Korea and China was relatively stronger for the Korean industries to whose growth TFI made a more significant contribution. While no decisive evidence is found for the relationship between TFP growth in Korean industries and their competition against Japan in the world market, it is revealed that the competition between Korea and Japan became less intense for the Korean industries to whose growth TFI made a stronger contribution. In this regard, the paper supports the view of 'nut-cracking' that the Korean economy has lost its competitiveness in the sectors where it maintained comparative advantage, but failed to catch up more advanced countries such as Japan by gaining competitiveness in more capital or technology intensive sectors.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.37
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• pp.29-50
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• 2013

With the recent global threats of terrorism as well as religious conflicts, Northeast Asian countries including South Korea, China, and Japan are experiencing particularly serious security crises as demonstrated by North Korea's threats of nuclear weapons testings and long-range missile launching as well as military provocation toward South Korea such as sinking of ROKS Cheonan and bombardment of Yeonpyeong island and the territorial dispute between China and Japan over Senkaku Islands(Diaoyu Islands). As a result, Park Geun Hye Administration of South Korea and the 2nd Abe Shinzo Cabinet of Japan, both recently established, are making efforts to improve their national security and crisis management policies. One of the key elements of such efforts is the strengthening of National Security Council(NSC) or its equivalent organization as the control tower of national security policy, modeled after the NSC of the United States. This paper compares NSC organization of Korea, the U.S., and Japan and draws policy insights focusing on the current political and national security situation South Korea is facing. Although organizational structure, function, and history of NSC of each country differs, it can be inferred from this comparison that NSC-type of organizations can play an important role as a control tower of security and emergency management policies.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.