• Title/Summary/Keyword: North East States

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The nature of UN support of the Korea War (유엔의 6.25전쟁 지원과 성격 -신정공세 전후 유엔의 휴전교섭 노력을 중심으로-)

  • Yang, Yong-Jo
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.1-48
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    • 2010
  • The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the Untied Nations' efforts for peace on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. The Untied Nation tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the end of 1950. Once the CCF's entry into the war had been confirmed, the war situation moved to a new phase, and the UN forces, which had guided the war in an effort to destroy the NKP A forces, and to punish North Korea, had to set up new guidelines to cope with the new situation. Accordingly, in late November, 1950, the UN forces camp, mainly the US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the United Nations Command, discussed various options, such as an expansion of the war up to the Chinese territory, a cease fire along the 38th Parallel, or a forced and inevitable evacuation. The Korean delegation to the UN insisted that "the unification of Korea should be achieved only by victory in the war. The Chinese intervention in the war is a Challenge to the UN in the same way as the North Korean invasion. The UN participation in the war was to repulse the invasion. With the same spirit we should drive back the Chinese Communists." The Korean delegation also emphasized to the friendly nations the political objective and will of unification, and that a cease fire at a threshold of unification might return us to the status quo ante bellum, and would be contrary to the Korean nation's desire. At that time, particularly, the US strongly considered the employment of nuclear weapons as one of the new strategies to cope with the Chinese invasion. The international effects of these casual remarks were realized almost at once. The British Prime Minister who had not wanted the expansion of war in the Far East, especially from the view point of the interest of NATO's security, visited Washington. so the conference had a very important meaning for the UN forces' new strategy. On the other hand, at the UN, on the 5th of December, the very day Truman and Attlee agreed to seek a cease-fire under UN auspices, a group of thirteen Asian and Arab states proposed to ask China and North Korea not to cross the 38th Parallel, and sounded out both sides about a cease fire along the 38th Parallel. The United States and the United Kingdom gave their assent, but China and North Korea gave no direct response. The CCF, who were securing the initiative of operation, were not agreeable with the proposal of the UN forces. The Untied Nation has tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the December of 1950 and January of 1951. The Untied Nations' has achieved great results to negotiate for the peace plan on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. It's the results considering both the operation situation and political opinions.

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Measures to Strengthen Korea-Japan Cyber Security Cooperation: Focusing on Joint Response to North Korean Cyber Threats (북한 사이버 위협에 대응하기 위한 한일사이버 안보협력 강화방안)

  • Tae Jin Chung
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.23 no.5
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    • pp.199-208
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    • 2023
  • South Korea and Japanese governments have never responded cooperatively to North Korea cyber threats in the past 10 years or even before that. There are two reasons: First, The historical and political conflicts between the two countries were so deep that they did not discuss their mutual needs. Second, officially, Japan had not been subjected to a North Korean cyberattack until 2022 . In particular, the issues of comfort women and forced labor during World War II were holding back the reconciliation between the two countries. With the inauguration of the Yoon Seok-yeol administration, Korea-US relati ons improved dramatically. Tensions in Northeast Asia reached their peak due to the conflict between the US and China. It has become a situation where peace cannot be garaunteed without close cooperation between Korea and Japan led by the United States.

A Study of Relationship between Changing of Sea Power and Maritime Conflicts of the Korean Peninsula (해양력 변화와 한반도 해양분쟁 발생의 상관관계 연구 - 해양국력과 동맹전이이론의 타당성 검증을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Young-Sik
    • Strategy21
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    • s.36
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    • pp.180-214
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    • 2015
  • The Republic of Korea navy challenged from the unexpected surprise attacks by the North Korea navy, albeit, the developments of up-to-date naval forces' technology, and the ceaseless efforts for war preparedness. My study divided into two categories. Qualitative methods used for literature review of international relations theory related to the war onset and for investigating events occurred on the Peninsula and its surrounding seas from 1968 to 2007. Quantitative method used such as the analyses of national power index of the two Koreas, the United States, and China, the uses of equation model to calculate power index of alliance, COPDAB(Conflict and Peace Data Bank) index analysis. Like Choi's study on East Asia maritime conflict, as a conclusion, considering both AT theory and maritime national power as a tool for predicting maritime conflict in the Peninsula proved significant. Based on the study, ROK navy need to prepare for the maritime conflict because the results showed North Korea would initiate maritime disputes sooner or later using fatal asymmetric forces and methods. As a policy suggestion, we are required to maintain a concrete ROK-US alliance ties and to construct naval forces due to the deterring functions of maritime national power.

A Study on the Asia-Pacific Security Strategy of the U.S. Navy (미 해군의 아시아 태평양 해양안보 전략에 대한 연구)

  • Jeon, Eun-seon;Go, Kyung-min;Park, Tae-yong
    • Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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    • 2015.10a
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    • pp.445-447
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    • 2015
  • The situation in Northeast Asia is rapidly changed because of the territorial dispute between neighboring countries near the East China Sea, North Korean nuclear bomb tests, long-range ballistic missile launching tests frequently and deployment of Chinese Liaoning class aircraft carrier. Especially, unstable political situation of North Korea and Chinese A2/AD strategy by strengthening naval forces are the cause of replanning Asia-Pacific security strategy of Unites States. In this paper, it is surveyed and analyzed that changed Asia-Pacific security strategy of U.S. and rearrangement plan of U.S. Naval forces. And changed environmental situation influence on our security is analyzed.

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The Index of Asia-Pacific Regional Integration Effort

  • Ye, Victor Yifan;Mikic, Mia
    • East Asian Economic Review
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    • v.20 no.2
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    • pp.129-168
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    • 2016
  • The Asia-Pacific region is not typically seen as one geographic or socio-economic space. Yet, 58 regional economies occupying the space of 28 million square kilometers from Turkey in the West, Russian Federation in the North, French Polynesia in the East and New Zealand in the South belong to the Economic and Social Commission of Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP). This commission provides a forum for member states that "promotes regional cooperation and collective action, assisting countries in building and sustaining shared economic growth and social equity". In 2013, ESCAP's members adopted the Bangkok Declaration to enhance efforts towards deeper regional economic integration. Yet this document neither proposes a concrete modality or modalities of achieving deeper integration, nor provides a sense of distance of individual countries to a "perceived" integrated Asia-Pacific.This paper aims to comprehensively quantify recent integration efforts of economies in the Asia-Pacific region. We provide an "index of integration effort" based on twelve metrics that measure the relative distance of a given economy to the region as an economic entity. Generally, we find that while the region has trended towards becoming integrated in general, both the level of integration and integration effort are inconsistent among Asia-Pacific economies. We discuss potential applications and extensions of the index in developing our perspective of the region's economic and social dynamics.

Korean Mathematics Teacher Educators' Response on the Mathematics Teaching Efficacy Beliefs Instrument

  • Ryang, Do-Hyoung;Thompson, Tony;Shwery, Craig
    • Research in Mathematical Education
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    • v.15 no.3
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    • pp.229-250
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    • 2011
  • The Mathematics Teaching Efficacy Beliefs Instrument is one of the most popular instruments used to measure elementary preservice teachers' efficacy beliefs in mathematics teaching. The instrument was, however, developed in the United States and is perhaps not appropriate for other cultures. In this study, the instrument was translated into Korean and carefully reviewed by Korean mathematics teacher education professors. Analysis of the review indicated that eight out of the 21 items were appropriate while the others needed to be revised. Items were identified as inappropriate due to awkwardness, multiple meanings, tense disagreements, and vagueness. These items were modified to better fit the Korean context. The instrument was revised with two versions: one for elementary and the other for secondary pre service teachers.

The Study of Establishing the Multi-pass Eurasian Railroads (유라시아 철도의 다중경로 구축에 관한 연구)

  • Hahm, Beom-Hee;Huh, Nam-Kyun;Hurr, Hee-Young
    • Korean Business Review
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.137-170
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    • 2008
  • This study is presenting the logistics strategy in the international logistics markets which makes competition and corporation among north-east Asian countries to establishing the multi-pass Eurasian railroads. The countries located in north-east area of Eurasia like China, Japan, Russia and Korea are paying higher costs and disutility to the transportations and communications due to repeated conflicts and confrontations causes from the politic problems. They are being used surface transportation for most of all logistics between Europe and Asia except special merchandises because of characteristic of cargo to be air, the Silk Road remains vestige only which was main logistic passage to this area since BC. So far the Trans-Siberian Railway is being used by Russia mostly as north of Eurasian transport because of difficulties of service. The Trans-China Railway built in 1992 is not accomplishing as a international logistic passages. It is expected to take a long lead time because of characteristic of resource development and poor logistic infrastructure to the countries like Uzbekistan, double landlocked country, Mongolia and Azerbaijan, the countries do not be adjacent to the sea, even they have great economic jump-up plans through the development of their own resources. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO) start to sail officially in 2001 is constructed with China, Russia, Tadzhikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan as regular members of 6 countries and Mongolia, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran as observers 5 countries. It is started as a military alliance to protect terror, but now, it is expended to cooperate with the traffic, transportation, trade and share of energies. The Russia is doing their best to activate TSR as a government target to developnorth area equivalently, and economic develop of far-east Siberia. And also it is agreed provisionally to improve and repair of rail road between Nahjin and Hassan to connect TSR and TKR( Trans-Korea Railroad) by Russia, North Korea and South Korea with Russian's aggressive efforts. The development plan of this area is over lapped with GTI(Greater Tumen Initiative) promoted by UNDP, and is a cooperated project by 5 countries of South Korea, Mongolia, China, Russia and North Korea, subject to review the appropriation of energy, tour, environment, rail road connection between Mongolia and China and establishing a ferry route to north-east Asia. It is Japanese situation to pay attention to Russia and China even they have been supplying large-scope of infrastructure in Mongol area without any charges, target to get East Asia Main Rail Road to connect Mongolia and Zalubino of Russia. In case of the program for the Denuclearization of North Korea is not creeping, it will be accelerated to connect the TKR and TSR, TKR and TCR by somehow attending United States, including developing program promoted by UN ESCAP. As the result, Korean peninsular will continue the central role of competition and cooperation as in the past, now and future of north-east Asia, as of geographical-economics and geographical-politics whether it is requested or not wanted by neighbor countries.

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Acidity in Precipitation and Solar North-South Asymmetry

  • Moon, Ga-Hee;Ha, Kyoung-Yoon;Kang, Seong-Hoon;Lee, Byoung-Ho;Kim, Ki-Beom;Kim, Jung-Hee;Chang, Heon-Young
    • Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
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    • v.31 no.4
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    • pp.325-333
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    • 2014
  • We are motivated by both the accumulating evidence for the connection of solar variability to the chemistry of nitrogen oxide in the atmosphere and recent finding that the Galactic cosmic-ray (GCR) influx is associated with the solar north-south asymmetry. We have analyzed the measured pH in precipitation over the 109 stations distributed in the United States. We have found that data of pH in precipitation as a whole appear to be marginally anti-correlated with the solar asymmetry. That is, rain seems to become less acidic when the southern hemisphere of the Sun is more active. The acidity of rain is also found to be correlated with the atmospheric temperature, while not to be correlated with solar activity itself. We have carried on the analysis with two subsamples in which stations located in the east and in the west. We find that the pH data derived from the eastern stations which are possibly polluted by sulfur oxides and nitrogen oxides are not correlated with the solar asymmetry, but with the temperature. On the contrary, the pH data obtained from the western stations are found to be marginally anti-correlated with the solar asymmetry. In addition, the pH data obtained from the western stations are found to be correlated with the solar UV radiation. We conclude by briefly pointing out that a role of the solar asymmetry in the process of acidification of rain is to be further examined particularly when the level of pollution by sulfur oxides and nitrogen oxides is low.

An Analysis on the Conditions for Successful Economic Sanctions on North Korea : Focusing on the Maritime Aspects of Economic Sanctions (대북경제제재의 효과성과 미래 발전 방향에 대한 고찰: 해상대북제재를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Sang-Hoon
    • Strategy21
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    • s.46
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    • pp.239-276
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    • 2020
  • The failure of early economic sanctions aimed at hurting the overall economies of targeted states called for a more sophisticated design of economic sanctions. This paved way for the advent of 'smart sanctions,' which target the supporters of the regime instead of the public mass. Despite controversies over the effectiveness of economic sanctions as a coercive tool to change the behavior of a targeted state, the transformation from 'comprehensive sanctions' to 'smart sanctions' is gaining the status of a legitimate method to impose punishment on states that do not conform to international norms, the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction in this particular context of the paper. The five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council proved that it can come to an accord on imposing economic sanctions over adopting resolutions on waging military war with targeted states. The North Korean nuclear issue has been the biggest security threat to countries in the region, even for China out of fear that further developments of nuclear weapons in North Korea might lead to a 'domino-effect,' leading to nuclear proliferation in the Northeast Asia region. Economic sanctions had been adopted by the UNSC as early as 2006 after the first North Korean nuclear test and has continually strengthened sanctions measures at each stage of North Korean weapons development. While dubious of the effectiveness of early sanctions on North Korea, recent sanctions that limit North Korea's exports of coal and imports of oil seem to have an impact on the regime, inducing Kim Jong-un to commit to peaceful talks since 2018. The purpose of this paper is to add a variable to the factors determining the success of economic sanctions on North Korea: preventing North Korea's evasion efforts by conducting illegal transshipments at sea. I first analyze the cause of recent success in the economic sanctions that led Kim Jong-un to engage in talks and add the maritime element to the argument. There are three conditions for the success of the sanctions regime, and they are: (1) smart sanctions, targeting commodities and support groups (elites) vital to regime survival., (2) China's faithful participation in the sanctions regime, and finally, (3) preventing North Korea's maritime evasion efforts.

A Study on the necessity and Effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia: Focused on Korean perspective (关于东北亚地区内 "建设性的微边主义, 小区域主义" 制度 建设的必要性和效果的研究 -以韩国的视角为中心 -)

  • Kim, Jaekwan
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.63-87
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    • 2020
  • This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

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