• 제목/요약/키워드: New Northern Policy

검색결과 35건 처리시간 0.019초

외항선사의 북극해항로 진출에 관한 결정요인 분석 (The Analysis on the Determinants of Shipping Lines's entering the Arctic Sea Route)

  • 손경령
    • 한국항만경제학회지
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    • 제35권4호
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    • pp.1-16
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    • 2019
  • 지구 온난화에 따른 북극해의 해빙면적이 감소하면서, 북극해를 통한 선박 운항의 상용화 문제가 지속적으로 주목받고 있다. 특히 아시아와 유럽을 있는 북동항로의 경우, 기존의 수에즈항로에 비해 거리적으로 훨씬 짧음에 따라, 전통적인 항로를 대체할 항로로 그 경제성에 대한 많은 선행연구들이 진행되고 있으며, 많은 연구들이 경제성에 긍정적인 결과를 내놓고 있다. 하지만, 2013년부터 2019년까지의 추세를 보았을때, 실질적으로 북동항로를 통과한 화물(Transit Cargo)의 증가는 크게 이루어지지 않았다. 이러한 상황에서 본 연구는 외항선사 중 외국 선사 2곳과, 국적 선사 2곳의 임원을 대상으로 심층 인터뷰와, 인터뷰의 결과를 따른 4가지 상위기준으로 컨테이너 운송의 내부적 제약요인, 외부적 제약요인 그리고 외항선사의 내부 조직의 목표와 비전, 북극해항로 이용을 통한 경제성을 선정하였고, 각 상위기준 별 하위기준을 4~5가지로 추출하여 총 17가지 하위기준의 중요도를 계층분석법으로 실증하였다. 상위기준의 첫째는 선사의 비전과 목표로 선사가 신 시장을 창출하는데 북극의 가치와, 요구되는 선사의 의지 및 역량을 평가하는 내부적 강점이다. 둘째, 선사의 북극해항로 진출에 관련한 내부 제약성으로 북극해항로에 진출에 대한 부정적 요인과 선사의 역량적 한계를 유발하는 내부적 약점을 의미한다. 셋째, 북극해항로 이용으로 인한 경제성으로 북극해의 미래 경제적 가치와 북극해 연안국으로부터 북극해 및 북극 진출과 개발과 관련한 협력으로 선사에게 제공되는 외부적 기회 요인이다. 마지막으로 북극해항로의 외부제한성으로 북극해항로 이용하기까지 해결되어야 할 외부적 선결 과제로 기상조건과 연안국의 통항정책, 그리고 북극해 주변국의 북극해항로 관심의 증대로 인한 새로운 경쟁의 장이 생성될 가능성을 의미한다. 분석의 결과로 외국적 외항선사와 국적 외항선사로 구분하여 북극해항로 진출에 관한 국내외 외항선사 상호 간 북극해항로 진출에 관한 결정요인에 대한 인식차이를 파악하였다. 이러한 결과로 북극해항로를 운송 상의 제약점, 진출 기회요인에 관한 각 선사별 견해와 함의를 이끌어냈으며, 외항선사의 북극해 진출과 북극해운송의 원활한 이용을 위해 선사들의 대응과, 협력 및 원활한 통항을 위하여 정부 간의 협력의 필요성을 제시하였다.

The Contribution of Innovation Activity to the Output Growth of Emerging Economies: The Case of Kazakhstan

  • Smagulova, Sholpan;Mukasheva, Saltanat
    • 유통과학연구
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    • 제10권7호
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    • pp.33-41
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    • 2012
  • The purpose of this study is to analyse the state of the energy industry and to determine the efficiency of its functioning on the basis of energy conservation principle and application of innovative technologies aimed at improving the ecological modernisation of agricultural sectors of Kazakhstan. The research methodology is based on an integrated approach of financial and economic evaluation of the effectiveness of the investment project, based on calculation of elasticity, total costs and profitability, as well as on comparative, graphical and system analysis. The current stage is characterised by widely spread restructuring processes of electric power industry in many countries through introduction of new technical installations of energy facilities and increased government regulation in order to enhance the competitive advantage of electricity market. Electric power industry features a considerable value of creating areas. For example, by providing scientific and technical progress, it crucially affects not only the development but also the territorial organisation of productive forces, first of all the industry. In modern life, more than 90% of electricity and heat is obtained by Kazakhstan's economy by consuming non-renewable energy resources: different types of coal, oil shale, oil, natural gas and peat. Therefore, it is significant to ensure energy security, as the country faces a rapid fall back to mono-gas structure of fuel and energy balance. However, energy resources in Kazakhstan are spread very unevenly. Its main supplies are concentrated in northern and central parts of the republic, and the majority of consumers of electrical power live in the southern and western areas of the country. However, energy plays an important role in the economy of industrial production and to a large extent determines the level of competitive advantage, which is a promising condition for implementation of energy-saving and environmentally friendly technologies. In these circumstances, issues of modernisation and reforms of this sector in Kazakhstan gain more and more importance, which can be seen in the example of economically sustainable solutions of a large local monopoly company, significant savings in capital investment and efficiency of implementation of an investment project. A major disadvantage of development of electricity distribution companies is the prevalence of very high moral and physical amortisation of equipment, reaching almost 70-80%, which significantly increases the operating costs. For example, while an investment of 12 billion tenge was planned in 2009 in this branch, in 2012 it is planned to invest more than 17 billion. Obviously, despite the absolute increase, the rate of investment is still quite low, as the total demand in this area is at least more than 250 billion tenge. In addition, industrial infrastructure, including the objects of Kazakhstan electric power industry, have a tangible adverse impact on the environment. Thus, since there is a large number of various power projects that are sources of electromagnetic radiation, the environment is deteriorated. Hence, there is a need to optimise the efficiency of the organisation and management of production activities of energy companies, to create and implement new technologies, to ensure safe production and provide solutions to various environmental aspects. These are key strategic factors to ensure success of the modern energy sector of Kazakhstan. The contribution of authors in developing the scope of this subject is explained by the fact that there was not enough research in the energy sector, especially in the view of ecological modernisation. This work differs from similar works in Kazakhstan in the way that the proposed method of investment project calculation takes into account the time factor, which compares the current and future value of profit from the implementation of innovative equipment that helps to bring it to actual practise. The feasibility of writing this article lies in the need of forming a public policy in the industrial sector, including optimising the structure of energy disbursing rate, which complies with the terms of future modernised development of the domestic energy sector.

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정전협정 60년, NLL과 서북 도서 (60 Years since the Armistice Treaty, the NLL and the North-Western Islands)

  • 제성호
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권31호
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    • pp.27-56
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    • 2013
  • The United Nations Command (UNC) and the communist North failed to reach an agreement on where the maritime demarcation line should be drawn in the process of signing a truce after the Korean War because of the starkly different positions on the boundary of their territorial waters. As a result, the Armistice Treaty was signed on July 1953 without clarification about the maritime border. In the following month, Commander of the UNC unilaterally declared the Northern Limit Line (NLL) as a complementing measure to the Armistice. Referring to this, North Korea and its followers in South Korea wrongfully argue that the NLL is a "ghost line" that was established not based on the international law. However, one should note that the waters south of the NLL has always been under South Korea's jurisdiction since Korea's independence from Japan on August 15, 1945. There is no need to ask North Korea's approval for declaring the territorial waters that had already been under our sovereign jurisdiction. We do not need North Korea's approval just as we do not need Japan's approval with regard to our sovereign right over Dokdo. The legal status of the NLL may be explained with the following three characteristics. First, the NLL is a de facto maritime borderline that defines the territorial waters under the respective jurisdiction of the two divided countries. Second, the NLL in the West Sea also serves as a de facto military demarcation line at sea that can be likened to the border on the ground. Third, as a contacting line where the sea areas controlled by the two Koreas meet, the NLL is a maritime non-aggression line that was established on the legal basis of the 'acquiescence' element stipulated by the Inter-Korea Basic Agreement (article 11) and the Supplement on the Non-aggression principle (article 10). Particularly from the perspective of the domestic law, the NLL should be understood as a boundary defining areas controlled by temporarily divided states (not two different states) because the problem exists between a legitimate central government (South Korea) and an anti-government group (North Korea). In this sense, the NLL problem should be viewed not in terms of territorial preservation or expansion. Rather, it should be understood as a matter of national identity related to territorial sovereignty and national pride. North Korea's continuous efforts to problematize the NLL may be part of its strategy to nullify the Armistice Treaty. In other words, North Korea tries to take away the basis of the NLL by abrogating the Armistice Treaty and creating a condition in which the United Nations Command can be dissolved. By doing so, North Korea may be able to start the process for the peace treaty with the United States and reestablish a maritime line of its interest. So, North Korea's rationale behind making the NLL a disputed line is to deny the effectiveness of the NLL and ask for the establishment of a new legal boundary. Such an effort should be understood as part of a strategy to make the NLL question a political and military dispute (the similar motivation can be found in Japan's effort to make Dokdo a disputed Island). Therefore, the South Korean government should not accommodate such hidden intentions and strategy of North Korea. The NLL has been the de facto maritime border (that defines our territorial waters) and military demarcation line at sea that we have defended with a lot of sacrifice for the last sixty years. This is the line that our government and the military must defend in the future as we have done so far. Our commitment to the defense of the NLL is not only a matter of national policy protecting territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction; it is also our responsibility for those who were fallen while defending the North-Western Islands and the NLL.

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한국의 지역개발과 댐건설 (Regional Development And Dam Construction in Korea)

  • 안경모
    • 물과 미래
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    • 제9권1호
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    • pp.38-42
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    • 1976
  • Because of differences in thoughts and ideology, our country, Korea has been deprived of national unity for some thirty years of time and tide. To achieve peaceful unification, the cultivation of national strength is of paramount importance. This national strength is also essential if Korea is to take rightful place in the international societies and to have the confidence of these societies. However, national strength can never be achieved in a short time. The fundamental elements in economic development that are directly conducive to the cultivation of national strength can be said to lie in -a stable political system, -exertion of powerful leadership, -cultivation of a spirit of diligence, self-help and cooperation, -modernization of human brain power, and -establishment of a scientific and well planned economic policy and strong enforcement of this policy. Our country, Korea, has attained brilliant economic development in the past 15 years under the strong leadership of president Park Chung Hee. However, there are still many problems to be solved. A few of them are: -housing and home problems, -increasing demand for employment, -increasing demand for staple food and -the need to improve international balance of payment. Solution of the above mentioned problems requires step by step scientific development of each sector and region of our contry. As a spearhead project in regional development, the Saemaul Campaign or new village movement can be cited. The campaign is now spreading throughout the country like a grass fire. However, such campaigns need considerable encouragement and support and the means for the desired development must be provided if the regional and sectoral development program is to sucdceed. The construction of large multipurpose dams in major river basin plays significant role in all aspects of national, regional and sectoral development. It ensures that the water resource, for which there is no substitute, is retained and utilized for irrigation of agricultural areas, production of power for industry, provision of water for domestic and industrial uses and control of river water. Water is the very essence of life and we must conserve and utilize what we have for the betterment of our peoples and their heir. The regional and social impact of construction of a large dam is enormous. It is intended to, and does, dras tically improve the "without-project" socio-economic conditions. A good example of this is the Soyanggang multipurpose dam. This project will significantly contribute to our national strength by utilizing the stored water for the benefit of human life and relief of flood and drought damages. Annual average precipitation in Korea is 1160mm, a comparatively abundant amount. The catchment areas of the Han River, Keum River, and Youngsan River are $62,755\textrm{km}^2$, accounting for 64% of the national total. Approximately 62% of the national population inhabits in this area, and 67% of the national gross product comes from the area. The annual population growth rate of the country is currently estimated at 1.7%, and every year the population growth in urban area increases at a rising rate. The population of Seoul, Pusan, and Taegu, the three major cities in Korea, is equal to one third of our national total. According to the census conducted on October 1, 1975, the population in the urban areas has increased by 384,000, whereas that in rural areas has decreased by 59,000,000 in the past five years. The composition of population between urban and rural areas varied from 41%~59% in 1959 to 48%~52% in 1975. To mitigate this treand towards concentration of population in urban areas, employment opportunities must be provided in regional and rural areas. However, heavy and chemical industries, which mitigate production and employment problems at the same time, must have abundant water and energy. Also increase in staple food production cannot be attained without water. At this point in time, when water demand is rapidly growing, it is essential for the country to provide as much a reservoir capacity as possible to capture the monsoon rainfall, which concentarated in the rainy seaon from June to Septesmber, and conserve the water for year round use. The floods, which at one time we called "the devil" have now become a source of immense benefit to Korea. Let me explain the topographic condition in Korea. In northern and eastern areas we have high mountains and rugged country. Our rivers originate in these mountains and flow in a general southerly or westerly direction throught ancient plains. These plains were formed by progressive deposition of sediments from the mountains and provide our country with large areas of fertile land, emminently suited to settlement and irrigated agricultural development. It is, therefore, quite natural that these areas should become the polar point for our regional development program. Hower, we are fortunate in that we have an additional area or areas, which can be used for agricultural production and settlement of our peoples, particularly those peoples who may be displaced by the formation of our reservoirs. I am speaking of the tidelands along the western and southern coasts. The other day the Ministry of Agriculture and Fishery informed the public of a tideland reclamation of which 400,000 hectares will be used for growing rice as part of our national food self-sufficiency programme. Now, again, we arrive at the need for water, as without it we cannot realize this ambitious programme. And again we need those dams to provide it. As I mentioned before, dams not only provide us with essential water for agriculture, domestic and industrial use, but provide us with electrical energy, as it is generally extremely economical to use the water being release for the former purposes to drive turbines and generators. At the present time we have 13 hydro-electric power plants with an installed capacity of 711,000 kilowatts equal to 16% of our national total. There are about 110 potential dams ites in the country, which could yield about 2,300,000 kilowatts of hydro-electric power. There are about 54 sites suitable for pumped storage which could produce a further 38,600,000 kilowatts of power. All available if we carefully develop our water resources. To summarize, water resource development is essential to the regional development program and the welfare of our people, it must proceed hand-in-hand with other aspects of regional development such as land impovement, high way extension, development of our forests, erosion control, and develop ment of heavy and chemical industries. Through the successful implementation of such an integrated regional development program, we can look forward to a period of national strength, and due recognition of our country by the worlds societies.

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무왕(武王, 1738-1765) 시기 메콩 델타에서의 영토 확장 추이: 제국으로 가는 길, '잠식지계(蠶食之計)'와 '이만공만(以蠻攻蠻)'의 변주 (Territorial Expansion the King Võ (Võ Vương, 1738-1765) in the Mekong Delta: Variation of Tám Thực Chi Kế (strategy of silkworm nibbling) and Dĩ Man Công Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians) in the Way to Build a New World Order)

  • 최병욱
    • 동남아시아연구
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    • 제27권2호
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    • pp.37-76
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    • 2017
  • 베트남이 메콩 델타로 영토를 팽창하는 역사 속에서 완거정은 두 개의 얼굴을 갖는다. 하나는 현재 베트남 영토 내에 있는 메콩 델타 거의 전부를 획득하는 데서 그의 공헌이다. 또 하나는 베트남 역사를 읽는 독자들의 눈을 현재의 베트남 영역에만 머물게 하는 그의 역할이다. 독자들에게 완거정의 메콩 델타 획득은 베트남 남진사의 마지막 단계로 인식된다. 그러나 완거정의 업적은 부분적이었을 뿐이다. 이 연구는 메콩 델타에서의 영토 팽창 추이에서 완거정 보다 무왕에 주목한다. 무왕의 목표는 완거정의 공헌에 의해 성취된 영토 획득보다 더 야심적이었다. 그리고 이 야심은 새로운 세계, 새로운 국제 질서를 건설한다는 그의 꿈에 의해 추동된 것이며, 그가 건설한 수도 푸쑤언은 이 새 국제 질서의 중심지였다. 여기서 그는 황제가 되기를 희망했다. 주장을 입증하기 위해서 필자는 세 가지의 요소를 검토하고 있다. 첫째는 무왕 왕권의 성격이다. 두 번째는 메콩 델타에서의 군사 작전을 위한 준비 과정이다. 셋째는 새로이 무왕의 판도로 편입된 땅의 성격에 대한 것이다. 북부 홍하 델타에 근거한 레 황실의 신하를 자처하던 선대 지배자들의 태도와 결별하면서 무왕은 즉위한 지 6년 뒤인 1744년 자신이 왕임을 선포했다. 행정 조직이 개편되었고 의복과 풍속도 북부의 것을 버리고 남국의 것을 제정하였다. 무왕은 캄보디아, 참파, 수사, 화사, 만상, 남장 등 조공국도 충분히 확보했다. 레 왕조와 비교해 이 조공국의 숫자는 더 많았으며 19세기 대남 제국의 조공국 수와 맞먹었다. 필자는 이 시점에서 무왕이 실제로 원했던 자리는 왕이 아니라 황제였음을 지적한다. 비록 무왕의 시도는 실패했지만 그는 자신을 천왕이라고 칭함으로써 통상적인 왕은 아님을 분명히 했다. 캄보디아 왕이 캄보디아 영토 내의 참족을 공격한 게 무왕에게는 캄보디아에 개입하는 충분한 이유로 작용했다. 무왕은 이 참족이 자신의 신복이라 여겼다. 왕은 그들이 자신의 판도 내에 있는 참 즉 순성진 참인의 일부라고 간주했기 때문이다. 무왕은 1750년에 캄보디아에 전쟁을 선포했다. 동시에 그는 태국왕에게 외교 서한을 보냈는데 여기서 그는 캄보디아가 자신의 배타적 조공국임을 천명했다. 캄보디아의 영토였던 메콩 델타에의 공격을 개시하기 전에 무왕은 푸쑤언을 새로 건설해 제국의 위상에 걸맞는 권력중심지로 삼았다. 인플레이션, 기근, 경제 왜곡 등도 이 시기를 특징짓는 면모였다. 그러나 이 연구는 무왕의 메콩 델타 진출 이유라고 이야기되어 온 이런 경제적인 측면보다 제국 건설자로서 무왕이 보이던 적극적 정책에 더 관심을 가지며 이런 정책에 기초한 영토 팽창의 욕구가 메콩 델타의 광활한 땅을 차지하고자 하는 데 결정적인 이유가 되었다고 주장한다. 1754년부터 3년 동안 현재 베트남의 영토에 해당하는 메콩 델타 대부분이 무왕의 영토로 편입되었다. 여기에는 완거정의 역할이 컸다. 그러나 무왕이 차지하고자 한 영역의 범주는 여기에 더해 메콩 오른편에 해당하며 현재의 사이공보다 위쪽에 있는 껌뽕짬, 프레이비엥, 스바이리엥을 포괄했다. 많아진 조공국의 수에 걸맞게 제국의 영토는 넉넉히 확대되어야 했다. 무왕의 전략은 '잠식지계'와 '이만공만'의 변주곡이었다고 이 글은 주장한다. 무왕은 하부캄보디아에 해당하는 델타를 야금야금 차지했다. 이는 누에가 뽕잎을 먹는 것과 같다는 게 일반적인 이해 방식이다. 그러나 무왕의 최종적 목표는 위에서 언급한 메콩 델타 세 개의 주까지 다 먹어치우는 것이었다. '다 먹어치운다'는 건 '잠식'의 또 다른 의미이자 적용이었다. 무왕은 현 롱안 지역으로부터 쩌우독에 이르기까지의 땅을 차지하는 과정에서 참인을 이용해 캄보디아를 쳤다. 이것은 '이만공만'의 표준적 적용이었다. 이에 더해 그는 막씨가 관할하던 중국인 망명자들을 이용해 하띠엔과 그 주변 지역을 캄보디아 왕으로부터 취했다. '이만공만'의 또다른 적용이라고 할 수 있다. 결론적으로, 필자는 19세기에 출현할 응우옌 왕조의 제국 질서 뿌리를 바라보는 새로운 방식을 주장한다. 제국 질서는 홍하 델타에 근거한 대월 제국 왕조들의 오랜 역사의 결과물이 아니라 푸쑤언에 앉은 무왕의 신 세계질서를 계승한 것이라는 주장이다. '이만공만'과 '잠식지계'는 무왕의 후손들에게 여전히 유용했다. 그의 손자인 쟈롱은 타이, 크메르, 라오, 중국인, 산지민, 유럽인 같은 '만'을 이용해 또다른 '만'인 '떠이썬 도적떼(西賊)'를 이겼다. 떠이썬에는 수많은 중국인 및 중국 해적이 활동하고 있었으며 참인, 산지민이 있었다. 무왕의 증손자인 민망 황제는 화려한 제국을 건설했다. 동시에 그는 캄보디아와 참 영역을 몽땅 먹어치우면서 영토 확장에도 골몰하고 있었다.