• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
• /
• v.67
• /
• pp.267-299
• /
• 2021

This study is purposed to discuss attributes and limitations of neo-liberalism and to offer some roles of Christian education corresponding neoliberalism. Neo-liberalism is an econosuperism that entrusts all things to market order, and it regards this market as utopia. It does not remain as just an economical principle, but influences all aspects in human life. Then it shows its religiosity connecting to capitalism. Every human in it is thought of as flexible workforces appropriate to neo-liberalism market. Such being the case neo-liberalsim strenghtens instrumentation in education. Then it distorts freedom and equality, and it weakens traditional values. Because of this, modern people's identity is getting to be lost and their human characters to be floated. This study discusses these things critically, and offers roles of Christian education such as founding a well balanced understanding on the Scripture against this neo-liberalsim market, restoring the essential purpose of education from instrumentation in education, and investigating and applicating a holistic human character on the basis of a Christian anthropology against this new human character of neo-liberalsim.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.87-108
• /
• 2002

According to Neo-liberalism, the privatization of social security systems is pivotal for a country's economic growth and the wellbeing of its people, because such systems hinder the full operation of the market, eventually leading the national economy to collapse. The Chilean case of pension privatization is often cited as a good evidence for the Neo-liberal argument. Neo-liberalists say that Chile has experienced a rapid economic growth and retirees have enjoyed a much more pension payment since the national pension system was successfully privatized in 1981. The primary purpose of this article is to provide a critical review on the results of the Chilean pension privatization reform implemented in 1981. This study is intended to give an objective understanding of the reform because the existing evaluations, particularly those from the neo-liberalism, over-emphasize the bright sides of the reform. for this purpose, this article will pay a particular attention to the change in the level of pension payment after the reform. The conclusion of this study is that, contrary to the argument of Neo-liberalism, the pension reform has lowered the level of pension payment and, compared to the old public pension, has made the lives of ordinary retirees less secure. Reorganization of the social security system is more desirable than privatization as a remedy for the current problems of the welfare state.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.27
• /
• pp.255-292
• /
• 2009

This thesis is to study on the prospect of contemporary and theory of contemporary Chinese Neo-liberalism philosopher in the 1990s. The previous Chinese liberalists focused only on political and cultural liberalism, neglecting economic liberalism. As a result, liberalism has not taken root in China. Therefore, the social problems of contemporary China are caused by immature and unregulated market economy controlled by the government, not by the market economy. On the other hand, the social relationship in China is not capitalistic yet. The Chinese need to take the gradual developing step to modernize China. China needs to begin an effort to reform China by the way and speed of the refolution, which lies between reform and revolution; not by making new value system, but by keeping daily ethics and rediscovering the Chinese value system, which is the same as universal ethnics. Moreover, it can solve the mental, cultural problems of modern society. Modernization will be achieved not by ruining the Chinese traditions, but by adjusting the traditions, keeping, and strengthening. Consequently, China will be able to move from agricultural absolutism to modern democracy. The democracy can exist only based on the market economy. Therefore, the goal will be accomplished by democracy based on the market economy starting from Confucian tradition.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.20 no.11
• /
• pp.447-456
• /
• 2020

Korean society is facing the 2017 regime and the era of the fourth industrial revolution. University education is trying to select agendas that focuses on public interest and innovation, which are key words, for change. Unlike recent efforts, practical changes are insufficient. There is a relative lack of discussion on the essence and theory of university education in South Korea. This study looked at the current location of Korean university education and discussed the essential direction from a point of view on critical pedagogy. So far, Korean university education has operated under the control of neo-liberalism for more than 20 years since the May 31 educational reform in 1995. Democracy and deindustrialization, the direction pursued by the 2017 regime and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, differs from neo-liberalism. Therefore, it is necessary to reflect on neo-liberalism and seek a subsequent turn of direction. Henry Giroux has been critical of the neo-liberalistic policy of American education, which has been a major discourse since 1980, and has discussed proposals for various changes. In particular, it provides clear coordinates for the features of human resources as educated people. For example, they are intellectuals, border intellectuals, and public intellectuals. These intellectuals have independent, autonomous, active, self-reliant characteristics and have a duty and accountability to pursue for public interests. It is also closely related to the 2017 regime and the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Along with this discussion, university education seems to need serious and rigorous discussion and consideration.

• 한국사회정책
• /
• v.25 no.4
• /
• pp.39-67
• /
• 2018

The Korean welfare state has achieved remarkable development during the last two decades, but simultaneously we have witnessed growing prevalent social conflicts and exclusion in the society. This research argues that the source of current problems lies in the nature of the Korean welfare regime, so called, 'paternalistic liberalism'. The paternalistic liberalism has been formulated by the combination of legacies of the developmental state and neo-liberalism. Paternalism with the growth-oriented and employment-centered approach has been a significant factor to restrict individuals' freedom and happiness in the Korean welfare state. It has also been embedded in the Korean welfare state such as social insurance, workfare programs, and centralized social services. In this context, this research proposes social liberalism, pursuing real freedom for all, as a new paradigm for the Korean welfare state. Breaking from the old path, Freecurity, combining freedom and security, which is argued to be the upgraded version of flexicurity, is also newly proposed as the operating model of social liberalism.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.46
• /
• pp.21-42
• /
• 2017

This study aims at analyzing the trend of feeling under the neo-liberalism era through the soap operas. In particular, this article focuses on 'envy'. Unlike jealousy, envy is the feeling of comparison appearing in people in similar circumstances that is displayed within the dual relation with its characteristic of having dynamics on the fortune (victory) of the other party for an unpleasant feeling, denial and interference. However, under the neo-liberalistic order with unlimited competition as its characteristic, 'envy' has the tendency to discourse with its passion of subjects participating in the limited share of competition. This begins in 'envy' under a soap opera to lead to competition to reproduce as the drama to dream of success for self-development. Under the circumstances, the feeling or behavior of characters not showing the general pattern but to individualize with the envious behavior of evil characters to turn away from the structural context for characters of issue of suffering originated within. For example, the soap opera imagines with 'envy' for the feeling of characters to reproduce the neo-liberalistic subject in darkness as well as to transfigure the suffering or context encountered by the characteristics to present the issues.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.11 no.11
• /
• pp.733-745
• /
• 2013

This article aims to look into the education policy of the civilian government, the practical government, the participatory government and the government of the people after the military government, and then to investigate characteristics and problems to neo-liberalism, which was an common education innovation policy of past government. This study tries to suggest a far-sighted national policy of education the present government should orient. Futhermore, the article presents 'humanistic philosophy of education' as a new paradigm of a future education. This means balanced humanistic education policy, not disintegrated education in which excellence and equality take different paths.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.57
• /
• pp.250-266
• /
• 2012

In neo-liberalism, the change-value of the market and of the machandise based on the individual as the consumer dominate the public sphere, and the capital power encroach on it. with the technological revolution. At the same time the public sphere as such represent the media sphere, which is more and more subordinate, and have no choice but to do to the governmental authority having political power privatized. The private usage of reason in the public sphere is carried out at the structual level. How can we call such a space in which the private usage of reason is generalized and dominant as the public sphere? And so now, we sound out the possibility of the public sphere such as a new space of the universality where the public usage of reason can be realized without any limits and with free. So, when we imagine the proletarian public sphere, in which co-exist the divers private interests, as a new public sphere capable to be constructed, we can address a question as follow. What is the caracteristic of the proletarian public sphere in modern society?, Is the public community able to be formed and realized in such space? How would have the proletarian public sphere the carateristics of the publis sphere? What is the attribute of the community that the proletarian public sphere would make, and what is its force of emancipation? The power is no longer stable and static. Rather, it is reconstructed and reorganized in the divers phases of the everyday life. It is the reason why we put on the order of the day the proletarian public sphere as alternative public space, which would be a place of divers hegemonic representation. And now, we are aware of the beginning of thses changes.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.23
• /
• pp.349-392
• /
• 2008

Modern Neo-Confucianism was formed as a school by solving the modern problems in China through accepting western philosophies with Chinese basic philosophies since New Cultural Movement. Marxism, Liberalism, and Modern Neo-Confucianism are called three representatives of Chinese modern philosophies. Since the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949, Modern Neo-Confucianists have tried to keep their philosophy and cultural conservatism in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Modern Neo-Confucianism which had been prohibited before 1978 was brought again to people's attention in the middle of 1980s by their active lectures and writings. Furthermore, the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism was supported by the Chinese government in 1987. China was trying to find the way to enhance Chinese tradition and to develop China to a modern society at the same time through the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism. The purpose of Modern Neo-Confucianism is to keep Chinese tradition which was broken off, to develop China to a modern society, to control the problems caused by capitalism socially, and ultimately to strengthen socialism in China in the political aspect. The study on Modern Neo-Confucianism in the 1980s focused on introducing, organizing, and understanding Modern Neo-Confucianism as its early stage. This study was led by Marxists with their methods and viewpoints. Even though the acceptance and understanding of Modern Neo-Confucianism was limited in a short period, the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism in the 1980s propagated Modern Neo-Confucianism. Modern Neo-Confucianism also played an important role to grow the argument about the critical succession of Chinese tradition and to reconsider the fact that modernization does not mean only westernization.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
• /
• v.5 no.1
• /
• pp.119-125
• /
• 2019

Traditionally, the definition of a republic in the constitutional sciences has remained passive, identifying whether or not a king exists. However, this is not an accurate understanding. Reinterpreting the meaning of the Republic at this point is expected to play a role in easing the side effects of neo-liberalism. It is more important than anything to establish a concrete picture of what a republic is in reinterpretating its meaning. Therefore, the main content of this paper is to clarify it by presenting requirements for the Republic.