• 제목/요약/키워드: Neo-liberal

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A Study on Religious Tendency shown in 「Gyeongseol」 by Jinam Lee Byeong-hun (진암(眞庵) 이병헌(李炳憲)의 「경설(經說)」에 나타난 종교적 성향)

  • Lee, Sang-Ha
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.41
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    • pp.385-406
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    • 2010
  • Lee Byeong-hun was introduced to Hanjuhak when he was taught by Myeonwoo Gwak Jong-seok. It is assumed that Hanjuhak circles had a certain influence on formation of his ideas in that they had liberal tendency at that time. Lee Byeong-hun accepted Geummungyonghak developed by Gang Yu-wee of China and participated in Confucian Science Movement while excluding Confucianism. After he accepted western civilization and the ideas of Gang Yu-wee, no traces of Hanjuhak was found in his writing, but it is assumed that Hanjuhak might work as a nutritious element for his ideas. He thought that religious nature of Confucianism could be revived only when he left Neo-confucianism which changed Confucianism into a philosophy by insisting reason instead of God. So, he respected Confucius as a religious founder and left such concepts as reason and respect which were considered important in Neo-confucianism and valued disposition and faith in "Jungyong", a doctrine of the Mean. He considered Confucianism as religious and joined in religious practices such as praying and reciting scriptures. He insisted that filial piety indicates a filial son of the Heaven when interpreting the following passage: Shun (Chinese leader) is a filial duty, which is assumed that he was influenced by Christianity. He respected Confucius as the only religious founder and God as the God to make Confucianism a religion. It is believed that he considered only Confucius as a founder instead of traditional Confucian sages as religion such as Buddhism and Christianity has one founder. God he thought is related with the God in Christianity and furthermore accepted reincarnation of Buddhism which is contrary to Confucian ideas. According to "Gyeongseol" by Lee Byeong-hun, it was believed that he was engaged in religion based on a faith that Confucianism is a religion rather than he pursued Confucianism as a religion to find out a way of its survival.

Rupturing in the Plaza: Teens in the Candle Demonstrations (광장에 균열내기 촛불 십대의 정치 참여에 대한 문화적 해석)

  • Kim, Ye-Ran;Kim, Hyo-Sil;Jung, Min-Woo
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.52
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    • pp.90-110
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    • 2010
  • This study problematizes the youth‘s politico-cultural process of identification as becoming in the context of candle demonstration in Seoul, 2008. We examine their ethical subjectivity, communicative subjectivity and political subjectivity based on our analysis of depth interviews of teenage activists in the candle demonstrations. It is suggested that instead of naming the teens as the historical consequence of so-called 386 generation, or social product in the neo-liberal economic and educational conditions, we need to understand the complexities and dynamics of the youth’s practice of identity politics: subjective pain and anxiety in daily life, creation and sharing of pleasure and fun of peer group comunication are mixed into the pursuit of justice in their social activation of generation/gender politics.

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Low Lung Cancer Resection Rates in a Tertiary Level Thoracic Center in Nepal - Where Lies Our Problem?

  • Thapa, Bibhusal;Sayami, Prakash
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.175-178
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    • 2014
  • Background: Resection rates of lung cancer are low in general and especially in countries like Nepal. Advanced stage at presentation and poor general condition of the patient are the usual causes. Materials and Methods: In this prospective observational study, one hundred cases of lung cancer who presented at the Thoracic Surgery Unit between October 2011 and October 2012 were included. Results: Those aged in the $6^{th}$ and $7^{th}$ decades together accounted for 72/100 patients. The male to female ratio was 2:1. There was a mean-$29.2{\pm}14.2$ pack yrs smoking history with only five non-smokers. Seventy-six patients presented with locally advanced disease while 21 had metastases. Only three had local disease. The average time between onset of symptoms to first contact with a doctor was $2.3{\pm}5.3$ months (range: 0-35.6 months). Average time between first contact to referral was $50.4{\pm}65.7$ days (range-0-365). Only three patients were resected, one after neo-adjuvant chemotherapy. Advanced disease was the cause of unresectability in 95 cases. One of three patients with local disease had pulmonary functions allowing the warranted resection. $N_2$ disease with $T_{1-3}$ on CT scan was found in 47. Three of these patients underwent mediastinoscopy and all confirmed uninvolved $N_2$. Conclusions: Lung resection rates in our center remain low. Late presentation leading to advanced disease and poor pulmonary reserves preclude resection in most cases. More liberal use of mediastinal staging and better assessment of pulmonary functions may allow us to improve resection rates.

Vacillating between a Neoliberal State and a Developmental State: the Case of Development of Biotechnology Clusters in South Korea (신자유주의 국가와 발전주의 국가 사이에서 서성이기?: 한국의 생명공학 클러스터 발전을 사례로)

  • Kim, Sook-Jin
    • Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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    • v.12 no.3
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    • pp.235-247
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    • 2009
  • Recognizing the potential and importance of biotechnology in boosting South Korea in an environment of competitive neoliberal globalization, South Korea has actively promoted the development and commercialization of biotechnology and legislated related laws. This should not, however, be read as yet another instance of the neo-liberal 'marketization' of economic activities and the demise of nation-states. The development of biotechnology in South Korea - and its commercialization - is closely intertwined with the practice of the Korean developmental state, and this practice has led to the production of new state spaces: biotechnology clusters. This paper examines what the roles of the state in developing and nurturing biotechnology clusters are.

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State Territoriality and Spaces of Exception in East Asia : Universalities and Particularities of East Asian Special Zones (동아시아에서 국가의 영토성과 예외적 공간 : 동아시아 특구의 보편성과 특수성)

  • Park, Bae-Gyoon
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.23 no.2
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    • pp.288-310
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    • 2017
  • This paper aims to provide a conceptual framework to see the special zones in East Asia in relation to the territorialities of the state. For this, it will introduce Aihwa Ong's notion of 'spaces of exception', and provide some critical discussions on it. Unlike Ong, I do not see the spaces of exception as an outcome of neoliberal changes of the state. Instead, I propose to see the special zones in terms of the internal limitations of the modern state territoriality. In particular, I try to theorize the special zones in relation to the dialectics of the contradictory relations between mobility and fixity inherent in the territoriality of the modern nation state. In addition, it will be suggested to see special zones as an essential part of the spatiality of the East Asian developmental states, given the spatio-temporal contexts of the East Asian capitalist development. On the basis of these theoretical discussions, this paper will divide the special zones that have been developed in East Asia since the 1960s into 3 different types, including 1) developmentalist special zones, 2) neo-liberal special zones, and 3) special zones for transition, and discuss their characteristics.

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Emerging Currents in Health and Medicine - A Socio-Cultural Critique of Their Discourses and Practices - (건강과 의학의 새로운 흐름 - 담론과 실천 방식에 관한 사회문화적 비평 -)

  • 이종찬
    • Health Policy and Management
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    • v.10 no.4
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    • pp.1-19
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    • 2000
  • We have witnessed several kinds of new discourses and practices in health and medicine since the 1970s, such as popular concerns with alternative or complementary medicine, inordinate attention to the promotion of 'healthy' living, rapid resurrection of traditional medicine and ecological management of health. Four structural and situational factors are discussed to underlie these new trends:(i) as 'crisis' in health care of the 1970s was translated into health care reform of the 1980s backed up by neo-liberal political philosophy, the state responsibility for nation's health is being transferred to the individual ;(ii) it resulted from the limits of biomedical paradigm in dealing with chronic diseases;(iii) medico-scientific knowledge of disease is transformed into the subjective discourses and technologies of health in postmodern society ; and (iv) it is deeply associated with the considerable increase in environmental risk perception of health and disease. There are some inherent countervailing forces in these new discourses and practices. First, while they derive from lifestyle-oriented behavioral change, medicalization of life and death is still consolidated in the new trends. Second, inasmuch as new tides are reliant upon science, they. are likely to be remote from techne that means not the practical application of theoretical knowing but a special form of practical knowing. Third, as new discourses and activities accomplished'in the name of health'increasingly occupy important strategies in forming the self-identity, they serve as moral apparatus which involves prescriptions about how we should live our lives and conduct our bodies, both individually and collectively. Therefore, two points are suggested to consider seriously whether these streams will succeed in improving the‘healthy’living of all the people. Instead of limiting tile perspective to medicine, healing and health care, a new matrix that interweave welfare, ecology and labor along with them is timely needed for enhancing the health for all. In addition, as the World Health Report fm strongly shows, inequality in health heavily depends upon socio-economic development of a society, and it is not the richest countries that have the best health status, but those that have the smallest income differences between rich and poor.

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Social investment in Europe: bold plans, slow progress and implications for Korea

  • Taylor-Gooby, Peter
    • 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 2004.06a
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    • pp.3-50
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    • 2004
  • ${\cdot}$ Recent social policy and labour markets debates in Europe, responding to the difficulties faced by the traditional neo-Keynesian welfare state settlement, stress the value of positive investment alongside de-regulation and greater flexibility as a way of achieving both economic and social goals. ${\cdot}$ Patterns of policy reform are complex and reflect differing national circumstances. A general move towards deregulation, constraints on entitlement to passive benefits, programmes to enhance employment, particularly among high-risk groups such as single parents and young people, targeted subsidies for low earners and casemanagement may be identified. ${\cdot}$ In relation to investment in education, research and development and combined training and benefit programmes to enhance mobility between jobs the picture is less clear. Education standards continue to rise, but research and development spending stagnates and few countries have developed substantial ‘flexi-curity’ programmes to support job mobility. ${\cdot}$ The labour market tradition in much of Europe has been one of conflict between labour and employers. As labour grows weaker, new approaches develop. These tend to stress productivity agreements and greater flexibility in work practices within firms and reforms to passive social security systems more broadly, but movement to support the more challenging investment and flexi-curity policies is slow. ${\cdot}$ In general, social and labour market policies in Europe stress deregulation and negative activation more strongly than social investment and ‘flexi-curity’. The countries with high growth and employment achieve that goal by different routes: Sweden has a closely integrated social democratic corporatism with high spending on benefits and training programmes and the UK a more liberal market-oriented system, with lower spending, highly targeted benefits and less mobility support. ${\cdot}$ Europe has something to learn from Korea in achieving high investment in human capital and R and D, while Korea may have something to learn from Europe in social investment, particularly flexi-curity and equal opportunity policies.

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Effect of neoliberal education policy on the appointment system of teachers -Focusing on the growth of contracted teachers (신자유주의 교육정책에 따른 교사채용 문제점 및 해결방안 -기간제 교사 증가 추이를 중심으로-)

  • Jang, Eun-sook;Choi, Soung-ho;Lee, Gyung-eun
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.18 no.2
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    • pp.465-471
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    • 2017
  • This study examined the effects of neoliberal educational policy on the appointment system of teachers to assess the impacts of this neoliberal education policy. Neoliberal education policy has led to increased private education cost, and strengthened the function of social stratum reproduction in the education system despite increasing the efficiency and flexibility. Since contracted employment was applied to the educational field, the number of regular teachers began to decrease, while that of contracted teachers increased. For example, the number of contracted teachers was 300 in the 1990, which increased to 42,042 in 2015. Neoliberal education policy contributed to teacher's quantitative demand; however, the increase in the number of contracted teachers is ultimately degrading the education quality. In an education market, the issues of balancing between supply and demand often occur. Therefore, it is necessary to strongly control the number of contracted teachers by limiting their contract period. Furthermore, an institutional device that can convert a contracted teacher to a regular one must be established.

Art and Collectivity (미술과 집단성)

  • Kwok, Kian-Chow
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.4
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    • pp.181-202
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    • 2006
  • "When it comes to art, nationalism is a goodticket to ride with", says the title of a report in the Indian Express (Mumbai, 29 Oct 2000). The newspaper report goes on to say that since Indian art was kept "ethnic" by colonialism, national liberation meant opening up to the world on India's own terms. Advocacy, at the tail end of the 20th century, would contrast dramatically with the call by Rabindranath Tagore, the founder of the academy at Santiniketan in 1901, to guard against the fetish of nationalism. "The colourless vagueness of cosmopolitanism," Tagore pronounced, "nor thefierce self-idolatry of nation-worship, is the goal of human history" (Nationalism, 1917). This contrast is significant on two counts. First is the positive aspect of "nation" as a frame in art production or circulation, at the current point of globalization when massive expansion of cultural consumers may be realized through prevailing communication networks and technology. The organization of the information market, most vividly demonstrated through the recent FIFA World Cup when one out of every five living human beings on earth watched the finals, is predicated on nations as categories. An extension of the Indian Express argument would be that tagging of artworks along the category of nation would help ensure greatest reception, and would in turn open up the reified category of "art," so as to consider new impetus from aesthetic traditions from all parts of the world many of which hereto fore regarded as "ethnic," so as to liberate art from any hegemony of "international standards." Secondly, the critique of nationalism points to a transnational civic sphere, be it Tagore's notion of people-not-nation, or the much mo re recent "transnational constellation" of Jurgen Habermas (2001), a vision for the European Union w here civil sphere beyond confines of nation opens up new possibilities, and may serve as a model for a liberated sphere on global scale. There are other levels of collectivity which art may address, for instance the Indonesian example of local communities headed by Ketua Rukun Tetangga, the neighbourhood headmen, in which community matters of culture and the arts are organically woven into the communal fabric. Art and collectivity at the national-transnational level yield a contrasting situation of, on the idealized end, the dual inputs of local culture and tradition through "nation" as necessary frame, and the concurrent development of a transnational, culturally and aesthetically vibrant civic sphere that will ensure a cosmopolitanism that is not a "colourless vagueness." In art historical studies, this is seen, for instance, in the recent discussion on "cosmopolitan modernisms." Conversely, we may see a dual tyranny of a nationalism that is a closure (sometimes stated as "ethno-nationalism" which is disputable), and an internationalism that is evolved through restrictive understanding of historical development within privileged expressions. In art historical terms, where there is a lack of investigation into the reality of multiple modernisms, the possibility of a democratic cosmopolitanism in art is severely curtailed. The advocacy of a liberal cosmopolitanism without a democratic foundation returns art to dominance of historical privileged category. A local community with lack of transnational inputs may sometimes place emphasis on neo-traditionalism which is also a double edged sword, as re kindling with traditions is both liberating and restrictive, which in turn interplays with the push and pull of the collective matrix.

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Regulatory Reform for Service Development (서비스발전을 위한 규제개혁의 새 패러다임)

  • Jeong, Ki-Oh
    • Journal of Service Research and Studies
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    • v.6 no.3
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    • pp.1-15
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    • 2016
  • Despite that Korea has tried radical efforts in the global flow of regulatory reform in the past twenty years, the result was not radical at all, but rather disappointing. One examines the possibility of paradigm shift in regulatory reform based on new theoretic perspectives. Regulatory reform, one argues, is not just a neo-liberal approach to cut off overflowing regulation. It is a highly conflictual struggle in state order to move from industrial age paradigm to service age paradigm. In the process of the great shift states become integrated into the world of life constructed by the exercise of civil rights. The relation between the civic socio-economic life and the state apparatus became totally different. Past effort for deregulation missed this point without correct recognition of the role of civil freedom and rights in service economy. One treats three typical forms of regulation whereby conventional rules and regulations effectively damper the development of services: reciprocal perspective in contract management, industrial mind in urban and spaces design, and old way of human capital management. According these analyses a new initiative of regulatory reform is proposed to take place at the National Assembly.