• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.73-81
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• 2018

In this paper, East Asian thoughts in Choi In-ho's novels have been studied based on Emmanuel Levinas' philosophical theories. He is a philosopher who dealt with the matter of subject formed through the encounter the others. The author of this paper quoted his ethics of responsibility, viewing that East-Asian thoughts put stress on the relationship with the others. The conclusions are like these; first, in the novel, Sang Do, there is a true relationship between the subject and the others thinking in the side of the other. Human relationship is like Sangsunyaksoo, which means when subject goes low, there appears a place the other can stay in. Second, in the novel Yoorim the essence of Neo-Confucianism shows up through Kyung thought, in which subject serves on the other in respect. That's like what Levinas said, "responsibility to others". Third, in the novel The Road without Road there appears Jinsokppuli, the central value of Korean Buddhists' Zen thoughts, meaning that you are not differentiated from me. In the times when the nation had been lost, Kyung Ho, who answered the call of people was a man who found what Levinas said, "the other who stays in me". As a conclusion the thoughts such as Sangsunyaksoo, Kyung, and Muae which show up in Choi In-ho's novels are connected with Levinas' ethics of responsibility and well shown as good examples of East Asian ethics.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.79-93
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• 2016

The present study aimed to understand the taste of literati appearing in the Korean-Chinese garden by comparing "Yanghwasorok(養花小錄)" and "Zhangwuzhi(長物志)", which are one of the representative gardens in Korea and China. The main subject of comparison is plants; the research results are as follows. First, Gang Hui-an stated that the ultimate purpose of growing and appreciating the gardening plants is the completion of oneself, while Wen Zhen-heng(文震亨) used gardening plants as a means to practice a life of reclusiveness(隱逸). Second, Gang Hui-an claimed that growing plants is human's cultivation of virtue on the basis of Confucian view's gaining knowledge by the study of things(格物致知), whereas Wen Zhen-heng realized the taste of 'elegance(雅趣)' through form of plants or planting method. Third, although plant preference of literati of both countries is similar in many parts, there is a slight difference for putting gardening plants in pots and appreciating them. For example, even for selecting or placing pots, simplicity and lightness are characteristically reflected from Gang Hui-an while splendor and refinedness are characteristically shown from Wen Zhen-heng. Moreover, in light of the taste of appreciation of literati of the Song Dynasty(宋代), which is a sample of literati spirit, Gang Hui-an inherited the inner world of the spirit whereas Wen Zhen-heng expressed 'literati-ness' in visual images.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.1-15
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• 2011

In the latter half of the Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty, the medical world was encountering a great change. It is said that a large stream between the first half and the latter half of the Joseon Dynasty was a qualitative transition from official relationships to private relationships, that is, from adjustments by governmental power to contractual relationships between individuals. Doctors who can be said to be the core of the medical world became to be left in severer competition. The fact that the number of people engaged in medical practice increased to the extent that doctors had to compete with each other implies that not only demand for medical care was increasing but also that medical care was becoming social service that must be shared by all people in the Joseon Dynasty rather than by small numbers of men of power. Anyway, it seems like that, in the competition that was becoming fiercer, they tried to establish their authority in diverse methods unlike before. As an authority to determine the social positions of doctors in the latter half of the Joseon Dynasty, the government was still occupying an important position, but doctors tried to show off their medical techniques utilizing excellent teachers or books. Meanwhile, they were making efforts to improve treating skills and thereby they were contributing to the development of medical techniques although they were sometimes criticised because of radical treatment or fierce drugs. In this process, it seems like that some doctors made efforts to establish the social meaning of medicine and their identity. In the short dialogue with Hong Yangho(洪良浩), Cho Gwangil(趙光一) was presenting the image of doctors as active and subjective beings. Pointing out the fact that in the society where feudal position systems were still impregnable, even the Confucian scholars who could be considered as a leading group could not but be passive in front of the sovereign power, he emphasized the fact that doctors could practice treatment as they liked. In that he re-discovered the meaning of treating people's diseases as a professional intellectual and that he was forming a subjective sense that medical techniques are active self expression, it can be carefully said that Cho Gwangil was obtaining his identity as a doctor. In the society in the Joseon Dynasty where the position systems were still valid and the value system under Neo-confucianism(性理學) supporting the system was impregnable, this change can be thought to be small yet quite meaningful.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.155-182
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• 2014

This study aimed to find the possibility of interactions between the Doctrine of the Mean and evolutionary biology. Between the two disciplines, there exists a huge gap such as "traditional era vs. modern times" and "humanities vs. natural science." However, this paper assumed that an analysis of their similarities and differences would allow us to find the possibility for them to interact and communicate with each other. For this purpose, the author proposed a three-step approach to studies of the following topics: human nature in step 1, validity of reasons to live in step 2 and biologically affinitive relations in step 3. The present study in step 1 pays attention to the similarities and differences between genes and in-ui-ye-ji (a set of four Confucian values: benevolence, righteousness, propriety and wisdom). This step discusses the issues of ri (principle) and ki (generative force) in Zhu Xi's theory vs. genes and vehicles in evolutionary biology, innate goodness vs. altruism of genes and in-ui-ye-ji vs. epigenetic rules. In step 2, attention is paid to the similarities and differences between natural selection and shi zhong (時中). They are discussed in terms of the upset of the law of nature vs. mutation, changes vs. evolutions and shi zhong vs. natural selection/adaptation. Step 3 focuses on the similarities and differences between species diversity and li-yi-fen-shu (one li and its many aspects). The discussion in this step addresses the issues of part or whole vs. li-yi-fen-shu, biological affinity vs. single energy and ecosystem vs. "the earth moves orderly, and everything thereon flourishes." If these studies are conducted as planned, a new direction can be set for Zhu Xi's neo-Confucianism. Further, the interaction between humanities and natural science will pave the way for us to overcome asymmetry between different disciplines.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.130
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• pp.247-276
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to explore how Zhang Zai(張載)''s Gi-Hak(氣學) and Wang Shou-Ren(王守仁)''s Sim-Hak(心學) are interrelated, which differs from prior positions viewing the two as separate, unrelated philosophies or ones standing in contrast to each other. By direct comparing the notions Tae-Heo(太虛) and Yang-Ji(良知), I tried to explain that ontological structures of Gi-Hak and Sim-Hak are interrelated ; and by comparing Dae-Sim(大心) and Chi-Yang-Ji(致良知), I made an argument that Gong-Bu-Ron(工夫論) of Gi-Hak and Sim-Hak corresponds to each other. Zhang Zai''s the doctrine of Tae-Heo can be seen as a respond to Jeok-Myeol-Ron(寂滅論) in Buddhism ; therefore, understanding Sim-Hak in terms of Gi-Hak, that is, interpreting the fundamental meaning of Yang-Ji as Tae-Heo, can free Yang-Myeong-Sim-Hak(陽明心學) from the unceasing criticism by Ju-Ja-Hak(朱子學) that it is a 'Buddhistic heresy'. This study could be highly significant in that it enables us to read the tradition of Zhang Zai not only from the viewpoint of u-Ja-Hak, but even from ang-Myeong-Sim-Hak tradition. I interpreted Yangming School of Mind as a developmental succession of Neo-Confucianism, and understood Zhang Zai''s Gi-Hak as a theoretical pioneer of Wang Shou-Ren''s Sim-Hak.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.147-155
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• 2019

The implementation of Daedongbeop of Gyeonggido after throne of Gwanghaegun, the Daedongbeop of Gangwondo afterthrone of Injo, and the Daedongbeop of Chongcheongdo and Chollado after throne of Hyojong were in expectation of new kings the greatest Governing Administrator who tried to improve the hard life of the people, It was possible because there was a great effort. However, after throne of these three kings, the enactment of the Daedongbeop is a major crisis. The difference of the crisis related to enforcement was that the enforcement of the Daedongbeop of the Gwanghaegun and the Injo was carried out immediately after the enforcement decision was made but soon it was put into a crisis of abolishment and the Chungcheongdo and Chollado provincial Daedongbeop encountered extreme opposition before the enforcement and it has been carried on continuously since the end of the abolition crisis. In this study, we examined the efforts of the Governing Administrator who succeeded in the enactment of the Daedongbeop for the peaceful life of the people, with the throne of these three kings and the expectation of the new king. In the case of at the time of Gwanghaegun, Hanbekgyeom, LeeWonik, and Hwangshin, Joeik and LeeWonik at the time of Injo, and Kimyuk at the time of Hyojong were common people who have tried to improve the troubles of the people. They did not focus only on the theoretical interpretation of Neo-Confucianism, but on the basis of the interpretation, they demonstrated the power of the Governing Administrator practicing the right politics for the people in reality. The result is policy formulation and enforcement for the implementation of the Daedongbeop.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.22-43
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• 2019

Mureung Valley was designed as a place of scenic beauty. It was called a utopia because of its unexplored regions. Many people traveled to this place and wrote poetry and prose describing it. It represented a culturally historic site and an example of the changing of cultural spaces. Mureung Valley was one of the nameless valleys in Duta Mountain, but "Mureunggye" was named by Kim Hyon Won, who was a governor of Samcheok.. The valley acquired a reputation for many people's visiting. It was a famous space because local residents liked the place, and famous people also loved the place. This place was adapted into a cultural place with a link to the immortal world and an educational place by people's travel stories. The place maintained a reputation until now and took center stage as a famous travel space. One of the reasons it became a place of famous scenic beauty is travel. People who travel to Mureung Valley created poetry and prose containing their excitement and travel stories. As the poetry and prose had esthetic images of Mureung Valley, people understood the place. The poetry and prose showed the meaning of the place and the changing process. These codified the reputation in the place. Mureung Valley was pointed out in one of the Cheokju-Palkyoungs. However, Mugye-Palkyoung (only for Mureung Valley) was made. It was understood as the most beautiful scenery in the place and it had the meaning of the ethics place which embodied Neo Confucianism. Mureung Valley has a great natural landscape and cultural history background. That is how this place of scenic beauty was created.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.37
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• pp.159-195
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• 2013

A dispute between Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Lu Jiuyuan(陸九淵) is important on Neo-confucianism's development. The dispute causing from difference between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy had effected Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's each school's philosophical dispute. From Song dynasty to Ming Dynasty's most philosophers continuous disputed about Same & Difference on Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy, but did not appreciate it because of school's prejudice. On Qing dynasty, there appeared philosophers being free or less from school's prejudice. they looked at Same & Difference on Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy objectively. One of them was Li Fu(李?) philosopher of Lu Jiuyuan & Wang Yangming's school. He wrote Zhuziwannianquanlun("朱子晩年全論") objective investigation of Same & Difference on Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy and reaction of Zhu Xi's school criticizing Wang Yangming's Zhuxiwannianzhunglun. Li Fu was Philosopher Lu Jiuyuan & Wang Yangming's school, but objectively compared between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's philosophy, analysed same of Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's philosophy and attempted philosophical agreement. Li Fu's this approaching is new interpretation and isn't uncritical admission from prejudice of Lu Jiuyuan & Wang Yangming's school.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.113-138
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• 2016

The purpose of this research is to establish the foundation for understanding the appearance of development, inheritance and acceptance of Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪李滉, 1501~1570)'s theory after his life by examining Udam Jeong Sihan(愚潭 丁時翰, 1625~1707)'s view on the Ido-seol(理到說), the Toegye's latter theory. After Toegye, Ido-seol was translated as 'The principle of matters reaches the human mind'. Galam Yi Hyunil(葛庵 李玄逸, 1627~1704), the contemporary scholar with Udam, criticized this translation for applying the directivity and motility to 'Li', the immovable principle. However, Udam agreed with the conventional interpretation of Ido-seol and understood it as the consilience of mind which got the entire principle(體) of 'Li(理)' and contained the application(用) of all things. He extended this concept as the level of 'sameness between objects and self [物我爲一]' based on his former theory, the exquisite interpretation of 'application of Li'. The meaning of 'sameness between objects and self[物我爲一]' is not amalgamation but applepie order of matter's principle in mind. The Udam's viewpoint is differ from Galam who tried to overcome the structural limit of Ido-seol by transforming 'Do(到)', the predicate of 'Ido(理到)', into 'Jin(盡)'. It means that he tried to interpret 'Ido(理到)' on the more essential aspect. His view can be the useful tool for understanding the Toegye's neo-Confucianism system with 'Li(理)' as central figure. It suggested that Udam's theory of the principle and the applecation of 'Li' can be the important theory to investigate the formation of Toegye schools' though and its development.