• 제목/요약/키워드: National Military Strategy

검색결과 166건 처리시간 0.03초

아시아의 우주개발과 우주법 (Space Development and Law in Asia)

  • 조홍제
    • 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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    • 제28권2호
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    • pp.349-384
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    • 2013
  • 1957년 스푸트니크 1호 발사 이후 세계는 우주활동에 대한 국제적 규범의 필요성을 인식하였으며, 유엔은 우주의 평화적 이용위원회를 설립하여 이러한 문제들을 검토하여 왔다. 1960년대는 미소가 군사적 우주활동을 중심으로 하여왔으나, 최근에는 민간의 우주활동들도 상당히 증가되고 있다. 특히, 우주활동으로 인한 사회적, 경제적 혜택은 더욱 가시화됨에 따라, 각국은 우주 활동에 대한 민간 지출을 계속 증가 시키고 있다. 거의 모든 새로운 우주활동에 참여하는 국가들은 사회 및 경제 개발을 지원하기 위해 우주기반 활동에 더욱 중점을 두고 있다. 위성 항법 및 지상관측과 같은 우주활동들은 기존의 민간 우주 프로그램의 핵심이다. 이와 더불어 달 탐사는 중국, 러시아, 인도, 일본 등 우주력이 있는 국가들에게 우선순위가 되어가고 있다. 최근 위성 및 지상 장비를 제조하는 회사들은 상당한 성장을 하고 있다. 중국은 2012년 2월 25일 자체 개발한 지구항법 위성시스템을 위한 열한 번째 위성을 성공적으로 발사하였다. 중국은 1986년에 중국 만리장성 산업주식회사에 부여된 우주활동으로부터 발전하기 시작했다. 중국 항천공사는 1993년 중국의 국가우주국의 설립에 이어, 창설되었다. 일본의 민간우주활동은 1960년에 창설된 국가우주활동위원회에 의해 이루어졌다. 대부분의 활동은 동경대학, 국립항공 우주 연구소 항공과학연구소 및 국립 우주 개발 기구에 의해 수행 되었다. 2003년에 이 모든 활동들은 일본 우주항공개발연구기구(JAXA)로 통합되었다. 일본은 군사적인 우주개발에 대한 제한을 완화하였다. 2012년 6월 일본은 우주기본법을 수정하여 JAXA을 포함한 일본의 우주 정책과 예산을 통제할 수 있는 권한과 조직을 개편하였다. 과거 문화체육부에 소속되어 있던 우주 프로그램의 개발에 대한 책임을 수상직할로 변경하였다. 그리고 JAXA를 규율하던 우주기본법 제4조의 "평화적인 목적으로만 사용" 한다는 조항을 삭제함으로써 비공격적인 군사적 우주활동을 할 수 있게 되었다. 이로써 동아시아의 긴장이 증대되는 시점에서 국가방위를 강화하기 위한 목적에서 우주를 이용하기 위한 가능성을 열어놓았다. 이러한 점에서 아시아의 상업적 우주활동을 발전시키기 위한 협력적 기구 창설이 필요하다.

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국가 에너지안보 추진전략 분석에 관한 연구 - 혁신시스템 관점에서의 분석 및 추진전략을 중심으로 - (Study on the Energy Security Strategy of South Korea - Focused on the Innovation System Perspective -)

  • 최정환;이홍훈
    • 해양환경안전학회지
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    • 제21권6호
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    • pp.679-688
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    • 2015
  • 에너지자원의 안정적인 확보는 국가발전을 위한 가장 중요한 요소 중 하나이다. 본 연구는 혁신시스템 관점에서 우리나라의 에너지관련 정책결정시스템을 분석하고 그 문제점을 도출하였다. 혁신시스템의 구성요소 중 혁신주체 측면에서는 에너지의 안정적인 수송을 위한 전략적인 강화방안이 미흡하다는 한계를 가지고 있었으며, 연계측면에서는 국방영역을 제외한 혁신주체들 간의 연계는 비교적 양호하였으나 안보적 관점에서 중요한 역할을 담당하는 국방영역과 타 혁신주체들 간의 연계는 미흡한 것으로 분석되었다. 하부구조 측면에서는 에너지안보 관점에서 국방영역의 하부구조인 전력건설 논의가 미흡한 것으로 나타났으며, 마지막으로 제도적 측면에서는 에너지안보에 관한 국방영역의 역할에 대한 제도적 정립이 미흡하여 향후 국가 에너지안보와 관련된 거버넌스에서 국방영역의 참여가 제도적으로 명시될 필요가 있는 것으로 분석되었다.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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해안 경계 지능화를 위한 AI학습 모델 구축 방안 (A Methodology of AI Learning Model Construction for Intelligent Coastal Surveillance)

  • 한창희;김종환;차진호;이종관;정윤영;박진선;김영택;김영찬;하지승;이강욱;김윤성;방성완
    • 인터넷정보학회논문지
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    • 제23권1호
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    • pp.77-86
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    • 2022
  • 본 연구의 궁극적인 목표인 지능형 해안 경계 체계 구축을 위해, 본 논문에서는 먼저 해안경계 지능화를 위한 AI 학습 모델의 구축 방안을 제시하였다. 우리는 3면이 바다로 이루어져있고 남과 북이 대치하는 상황으로 인해 해안 경계가 중요한 국가적 과업인 나라이다. 국방개혁 2.0에 의해 해안경계를 담당하고 있는 R/D (Radar) 운용인력이 감소하고 복무 기간이 단축되고 있다. 특히, 레이더와 같이 고도의 장비를 다루는 데에는 휴먼 에러가 발생할 개연성은 늘 상존하는 것이다. 해안 경계와 인공지능의 접목은 정부의 인공지능 국가전략의 구현과 확대라는 목표에도 필요 충분한 시점에 와 있다. 지능형 해안 경계 체계 구축을 위한 AI학습 모델 개발의 기능별 방안을 제시하였다. R/D신호 분석 AI모델 개발, 책임해역 분석 AI모델 개발, 표적 관리 자동화 기능으로 구분하였다. 이를 실현하기 위한 3단계 추진 전략을 살펴보았다. 1단계는 AI 학습모델 구축의 통상적인 단계로써, 데이터 수집, 데이터 저장, 데이터 여과, 데이터 정제, 데이터 변환 등이 이루어진다. 2단계에서는 R/D 특성에 기초해 신호분석을 실시하고, 실상과 허상을 분류하는 AI 학습모델 개발을 진행하고, 책임해역을 분석하고, 취약지역/시간 분석을 실시한다. 최종 단계에서는 AI 학습모델의 검증, 가시화 및 시연 등이 이루어진다. 군 무기체계에 AI 기술이 접목돼 지능화된 무기체계로 바뀌는 최초의 성과가 달성된다.

동북아시아의 세력균형과 군사력 수준 변화 연구: 세력균형이론에 기초한 2030년경의 동북아시아 안보환경 전망 (A Study on the Balance of Power and Changes in Military Strength in Northeast Asia: Prospect of the Northeast Asian Security Environment in 2030 Based on the Balance of Power Theory)

  • 김명수
    • 해양안보
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    • 제3권1호
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    • pp.73-114
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    • 2021
  • 본 연구는 현실주의의 대표적 이론인 세력균형이론을 기초로 군사력을 국가의 핵심 힘으로 전제하여 동북아시아의 힘의 분포를 살펴본다. 이전 세력균형과 군사력 수준에 관한 연구결과를 고찰하고, 그 연구한 결과를 활용하여 2020년까지 미국, 중국, 러시아, 일본, 한국과 북한의 힘의 변화를 분석하여 2030년경 안보환경을 전망하여 본다. 세력균형이론에서 국가(nation)나 국가군(a group of power) 간에 힘의 균형이 무너지면 전쟁 가능성이 높고, 그 불확실성과 불신이 높은 국제사회에서 생존과 안전을 확보하기 위하여 국가는 힘의 증강(자조, self-help)과 더불어 협력(cooperation)과 동맹(alliance)을 더욱 강화하는 행동을 한다고 본다. 동북아시아의 국가들도 자국의 군사력을 지속 증강하고 있으며, 특히 중국의 급속한 부상으로 국제 안보환경의 급격한 변화에 주변 국가들은 촉각을 세우고 경계심을 늦추지 않고 있다. 중국은 2030년대 중국 창군 100주년과 더불어 '국방 및 군현대화'를 실현하고, 2050년대 건국 100주년에 '세계일류군대건설'을 목표로 하고 있다. 그리고 미국은 국제사회의 협력과 동맹 강화 등 중국 견제에 분주하다. 미국과 중국이 패권경쟁이 진행되고 있는 상황에서 동북아시아의 안보환경과 힘의 역학관계도 서서히 변하고 있다. 세력균형이론에 기초하여 2030년 이후 동북아시아의 힘의 분포 변화와 함의를 살펴보고자 한다.

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한국해군의 새로운 도전과 기동전단의 발전 방향 (The New Challenges for the Republic of Korea Navy and the Development of Maritime Task Flotilla's Force Development)

  • 김덕기
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권39호
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    • pp.163-197
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    • 2016
  • The completion of Jeju Naval Base on February 2016 made the Republic of Korea Navy(ROKN) review the size and role of the Maritime Task Flotilla(MTF). The new strategic environment for the 12st century and the new challenges require the Navy to counter North Korea's provocations and prevent potential enemy's threat. The Navy is also required to take part in the variety of international roles and missions commensurated with Korea's global status to maximize the national interest. Despite these changes, Korea's military construction concept is still unable to break away from the old paradigm of the North Korean threat largely centered. In order to develop the current MTF into the Task Group with the construction of Jeju Naval Base, the Navy must newly not only establish new force development plan and fleet management concepts but also go to persuade and convince policy decision makers. To this end, the following efforts should be promoted. First, the ROK Navy steps up efforts in order to share with the Task Group's vision and strategy. The Navy should also provide the size and structure as well as the missions and roles of the Task Group to react to new maritime security environment. Second, the Navy analyse the MTF's ability and what is required and necessary to perform its duty. After that, it must set out the direction of the Task Group's force development. Third, the current missions and roles of the MTF should be re-established to respond various threats. Finally, accommodating of new technology to the MTF should intensify its strengths. The ROK Navy has a mixed force structure consisting of three fixed- base fleets and a MTF. The fixed base fleet has a passive force to defend and protect its own sea areas, but the MTF should actively not only counter North Korea's threats, including ballistic missiles, but also fight potential threats and takes international missions as a primary task force. However, the MTF has a limited capability to accomplish given missions and long-range operations, and thus, the ROK Navy is strongly required to construct the Task Group.

국가 사이버테러대응 미래 발전전략 수립에 관한 연구 (A Study on Establishing of the Future Development Strategy for National Cyber Terror Response)

  • 김민수;양정모
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제20권1호
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    • pp.15-24
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    • 2020
  • 사이버터러나 사이버전(cyber warfare)은 더 이상 가상적 상황이 아닌 현실적이며, 실체적인 안보상황으로 상대국의 군사지휘체계는 물론 통신, 에너지, 금융, 수송체계 등 국가 주요기능 무력화의 전쟁 개념의 확대로 재인식과 국가적 차원에서의 사이버보안 미래전략 수립이 필요하다. 각 국의 사이버전(戰) 동향 분석 및 국내 사이버전(戰) 현황 분석을 통해 사이버보안 기술개발과 산업육성, 그리고 인력양성 전략 마련과 기존의 정보보호 정책과 법·제도을 바탕으로 신규 정책수요에 대한 체계적 발굴과 이를 통해 지속적 발생 가능한 국가적 위기를 효율적으로 관리하고, 효과적이며 능동적으로 사이버전(戰)에 대응할 수 있는 중·장기적 사이버보안 미래전략 수립에 대하여 제안한다.

S&T Text Mining을 이용한 국방 유망기술 식별에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Identifying Emerging Defense Technology using S&T Text Mining)

  • 이태봉;이춘주
    • 한국국방경영분석학회지
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    • 제36권1호
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    • pp.39-49
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    • 2010
  • 본 연구에서는 과학기술 텍스트 마이닝을 이용하여 국방 유망기술을 식별하는 방법론을 제안하고 있다. 그동안 국가차원에서 NTIS와 DTiMS를 포함한 과학기술 관련 정보체계를 구축하는데 많은 노력을 기울여왔는데 과학기술 정보체계는 연구자와 정책입안자, 또는 실무자들이 기술적 변화를 분석하고 효율적인 업무진행, 지식공유, 전략개발, 또는 조직의 경쟁력을 높이기 위한 정책개발에 활용성이 크다. 본 연구에서는 INSPEC 데이터베이스에 과학기술 텍스트마이닝 기법을 적용하여 미래 무인전투기술에 대한 지식네트워크 구조와 국방 유망기술을 식별하는 과정을 예시함으로써 구축된 과학기술 정보체계를 이용한 미래 유망기술의 식별 방법론을 제시하였다.

군수용 고정익 항공기 구성품 PHM 적용을 위한 기술 요소 획득 로드맵 구성 및 구성품 선정단계 검증 (Roadmap Configuration for Technical Elements Acquisition of Military Fixed Wing Aircraft Parts PHM and Verification of Parts Selection Phase)

  • 김근영;황재기;임영기;하석운
    • 한국항공우주학회지
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    • 제47권9호
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    • pp.665-677
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    • 2019
  • 미국은 총 수명주기 비용을 최소화하고 운용 가동률 향상을 위해 총 수명주기 체계관리(TLCSM, Total Life Cycle System Management)를 추진 중이다. 실천전략의 하나로 CBM+(Condition Based Maintenance +)를 새로운 무기체계에 적용할 것을 요구하고 있다. F-35 항공기는 개발단계에서부터 CBM+ 개념 하에서 PHM(건전성 예측 및 관리)을 적용하였다. 본 연구에서는 군수용 고정익 항공기 구성품 PHM 적용을 위하여 기술 동향, 국내 PHM 기술 수준 및 해외 기술발전 추세를 분석하였다. 또한, PHM 기술 요소를 분석하여 군수용 고정익 항공기 기술 요소 획득 로드맵 5단계를 구성하였다.

유엔의 6.25전쟁 지원과 성격 -신정공세 전후 유엔의 휴전교섭 노력을 중심으로- (The nature of UN support of the Korea War)

  • 양영조
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.1-48
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    • 2010
  • The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the Untied Nations' efforts for peace on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. The Untied Nation tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the end of 1950. Once the CCF's entry into the war had been confirmed, the war situation moved to a new phase, and the UN forces, which had guided the war in an effort to destroy the NKP A forces, and to punish North Korea, had to set up new guidelines to cope with the new situation. Accordingly, in late November, 1950, the UN forces camp, mainly the US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the United Nations Command, discussed various options, such as an expansion of the war up to the Chinese territory, a cease fire along the 38th Parallel, or a forced and inevitable evacuation. The Korean delegation to the UN insisted that "the unification of Korea should be achieved only by victory in the war. The Chinese intervention in the war is a Challenge to the UN in the same way as the North Korean invasion. The UN participation in the war was to repulse the invasion. With the same spirit we should drive back the Chinese Communists." The Korean delegation also emphasized to the friendly nations the political objective and will of unification, and that a cease fire at a threshold of unification might return us to the status quo ante bellum, and would be contrary to the Korean nation's desire. At that time, particularly, the US strongly considered the employment of nuclear weapons as one of the new strategies to cope with the Chinese invasion. The international effects of these casual remarks were realized almost at once. The British Prime Minister who had not wanted the expansion of war in the Far East, especially from the view point of the interest of NATO's security, visited Washington. so the conference had a very important meaning for the UN forces' new strategy. On the other hand, at the UN, on the 5th of December, the very day Truman and Attlee agreed to seek a cease-fire under UN auspices, a group of thirteen Asian and Arab states proposed to ask China and North Korea not to cross the 38th Parallel, and sounded out both sides about a cease fire along the 38th Parallel. The United States and the United Kingdom gave their assent, but China and North Korea gave no direct response. The CCF, who were securing the initiative of operation, were not agreeable with the proposal of the UN forces. The Untied Nation has tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the December of 1950 and January of 1951. The Untied Nations' has achieved great results to negotiate for the peace plan on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. It's the results considering both the operation situation and political opinions.

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