• Strategy21
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• s.41
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• pp.108-152
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• 2017

This paper aims to analyze hegemonic competition and the role of naval power. To this end the paper is composed of four chapters titled introduction, the role of naval power in the hegemonic competition, the role of naval power in the East Asia, and the lessons and implications for the Korean Peninsula. Since the modern era, the hegemonic competition in the East Asian region has been the intrusion and struggle process between the world system and the East Asian regional system, and the ocean between these two systems has become the goal and means of supremacy(hegemony). Currently, the hegemonic competition between the US and China consists of systemic competition at the global level and marine competition at the regional level. When South Korea is forced to make strategic choices in the course of the US-China hegemonic competition, naval power will be the first factor to be considered. The ROK is asymmetrically maintaining a deep dependency relationship with the United States in terms of security and China in relation to the economy. And while the ROK's national economic power is acquired from the ocean, the ROK's military power is imbalanced because it is centered on the ground forces. These international relations and asymmetric-unbalanced resources distribution will not be able to effectively cope with the hegemonic competition between the US and China in the future, and will limit Korea's strategic choice. Since naval power and forces are the prerequisites for the hegemonic competition or the maintenance of supremacy we must construct balanced naval forces(naval power) that are not subordinate to the ground forces at the national strategic level for the future of the country.

• Strategy21
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• s.30
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• pp.200-235
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• 2012

Over the past few years, due to the climate change of the earth, the Arctic's sea ice cover is undergoing a historic transformation - thinning, extent reduction in all seasons, and mitigation in the area of multi-year ice in the central Arctic Ocean. These changes allow for increases in maritime access throughout the Arctic Ocean and for potential longer seasons of navigation and possibly transarctic voyage in the summer. These changes also allow more exploration for oil, gas, and other minerals. The Arctic is now an archetype of the complex, multi-dimensional global problems of the twenty-first century. Military security, environmental security, and economic security interact. The potentially enormous economic stakes, sufficient to change the strategic balance among the states of the region, set off competitive pressures for national advantage. Korea, which is heavily dependent upon the sea lane in terms of transportation of its exports and imports, is very much interested in the Arctic sea routes. Korea believes that the Artic sea route, particularly the Northern Sea Route (NSR), could serve as a new useful sea lane, which will enable shorter times between East Asia and Europe, thus resulting in substantial cost saving for ship operators. In addition to shipping, Korea is interested in other Arctic-related maritime industries. Korea, as a leading shipbuilder in the global market, is interested in building ice breakers, drill ships, and other vessels which can contribute to safe operation in Arctic resource development and exploration. Korea, as one of the future stakeholders in Arctic maritime activities, should be ready to foster international cooperation in the region.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.97-107
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• 2012

Our nation, of which the term of dispatching troops is winded up at the end of this year, is facing presidential election time including the nuclear security summit meeting in March, opening of EXPO in May, and the general election. Hence, the possibility to select our nation at the strategy forming public opinion of military withdrawal through Taliban's terror is high. It coincides with public affair strategy of Taliban terror and learning effect by the past cases. If the possibility of terror threat of Taliban along with this is summarized, the period of threat will concentrate on and be heightened in the first half when the nuclear security summit meeting and EXPO open in our nation, and target and method have high possibility of collision terror of bomb carrying vehicle and suicide bomb on national government organizations or American facilities, and etc, and possibility of kidnapping on our people such as oversea tourists, missionaries, and so on. Terror groups joining the criminal act is to use Islam illegal aliens who already acquire base in our nation or entry maneuver of specialized terrorists connected to Al-Qaeda. Pretext of such terror is withdrawal of our military and western allies stationed in Afghanistan. Therefore, publicity terror of Taliban against our people living overseas and security measure of international events such as the world nuclear security summit meeting, Yeosu EXPO, and etc in the first half of this year should be thoroughly prepared, domestic illegal aliens' movement should be comprehended, and measure blocking international terrorists' relating to Taliban infiltration into our nation should be sought for. Also, there is need of early announcement of government's political will on our military stationed in Afghanistan.

• Strategy21
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• s.32
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• pp.36-70
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• 2013

Waegu(倭寇)'s invasion in the Late Goryeo(高麗) Dynasty was huge damage for Goryeo's local society. And It was shock that Goryeo government's basic foundation of rules. Invasion background of waegu for Kyeong-in-yeon(庚寅年, 1350) was Kyushyu(九州)'s political divide because of Nihon(日本) government's confusion. Waegu was huge damage for Goryeo's Jo-wun(漕運, the shipping system of grain paid as a tax) system. So, government started military response, but it was turn out a failure and had great damage. When execution of military operations failed, Goryeo government sent diplomatic delegation to request the prevent of waegu, but the invasion continued. Since waegu invasion, Goryeo was got nowhere with defence of waegu. So, some people demanded for a new understanding of the ocean defence in the government. Lee-Saek(李穡), Woo-Hyeonbo(禹玄寶), Lee-Hee(李禧) and Jung-Ji(鄭地) were representatives of a new understanding of the ocean defence. Their demands were received attention when all operations had been failed. Therefore, Goryeo government began to reorganization of the naval forces and set up a special committee of gunpowder manufacturing named Hwa-tong-do-gam(火筒都監). This administrative reform was achieved substantial results since then. In 1380, the naval battle at Jin-po(鎭浦) was a big event that first gunpowder attack the waegu. Since Jin-po, Goryeo's naval forces gain confidence. In 1389, Dae-ma-do(對馬島) was attacked by Park-Wi(朴葳). It was meant that Goryeo's naval forces had huge offense power. Goryeo's defence system was focused on a northern race before 14th century waegu's invasion. So they were neglected their ocean defence. But after military operation of waegu's invasion was failure, they focused on the ocean defence. A new understanding of the ocean defence was foundation of that. It means to us to a new understanding of the ocean defence. Now, East Asia has maritime disputes. And we have high exposure to potential threats. So, we have a new understanding of importance of the ocean defence. And we fight for 21th century's ocean threats as foundation of sense of national security.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.42
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• pp.205-227
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• 2015

The Korean Peninsula is put in a position to carry out a highly strategic game vis-a-vis nK, which is asserting itself as a nuclear power amongst Northeast Asia's complex dynamics. While the international community recognizes nK's possession of nuclear weapons as released secret based on nK's three nuclear tests, shrewd strategic thinking is needed by ROK to secure itself as a non-nuclear nation in order to assume a responsible role to the international community, while simultaneously being ready to respond at all times for nK's military provocations. ROK must continue with its twofold strategy, by firm response to military confrontation with nK and maintaining flexible policy of tolerance in the areas of economy and ethnicity. Various strategic options to overcome nK's nuclear threats have been presented to ROK, whose possession of nuclear weapons have been difficult, and nK's nuclear capability is a real threat to ROK's national security. We must be able to respond to nK's nuclear threats strictly from ROK's national security perspective. This thesis aims to propose a response policy for nK's nuclear capability and nK's nuclear attack based on analysis of such nuclear damage, ROK Government's response posture against nK's nuclear threats, centered around ROK Government's non-military response posture.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.7
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• pp.271-303
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• 2009

"Ubiquitous sensor network" definition is this-Someone attaches electro-magnetic tag everything which needs communication between man to man, man to material and material to material(Ubiquitous). By using attached every electro-magnetic tag, someone detects it's native information as well as environmental information such as temperature, humidity, pollution and infiltration information(Sensor). someone connects it realtime network and manage generated information(Network). 21st century's war is joint combined operation connecting with ground, sea and air smoothly in digitalized war field, and is systematic war provided realtime information from sensor to shooter. So, it needs dramatic development on watch reconnaissance, command and control, pinpoint strike etc. Ubiquitous computing and network technologies are essential in national defense to operate 21st century style war. It is possible to use many parts such as USN combined smart dust and sensor network to protect friend unit as well as to watch enemy's deep area by unmanned reconnaissance, wearable computer upgrading soldier's operational ability and combat power dramatically, RFID which can be used material management as well as on time support. Especially, unmanned watch system using USN is core part to transit network centric military service and to get national defense efficiency which overcome the dilemma of national defense person resource reducing, and upgrade guard quality level, and improve combat power by normalizing guardian's bio rhythm. According to the test result of sensor network unmanned watch system, it needs more effort and time to stabilize because of low USN technology maturity and using maturity. In the future, USN unmanned watch system project must be decided the application scope such as application area and starting point by evaluating technology maturity and using maturity. And when you decide application scope, you must consider not only short period goal as cost reduction, soldier decrease and guard power upgrade but also long period goal as advanced defense ability strength. You must build basic infra in advance such as light cable network, frequency allocation and power facility etc. First of all, it must get budget guarantee and driving force for USN unmanned watch system project related to defense policy. You must forwarded the USN project assuming posses of operation skill as procedure, system, standard, training in advance. Operational skill posses is come from step by step application strategy such as test phase, introduction phase, spread phase, stabilization phase and also repeated test application taking example project.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.55
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• pp.97-133
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• 2018

A total of 133 defense records centers exist in the country, and checking their common problems, as well as the inherent problems and strategies of individual archives, is necessary to solve them. The Strategic Management Model of the defense records centers is a tool developed to check the archives' operational problems and solve them strategically. The researchers tried to help the military records centers in checking the problems and obtaining the strategic judgment of the commander to improve their work process. This study proposes the use of the model in individual defense records centers that establish midand long-term development plans with policy agencies, such as the Ministry of National Defense, to establish a records management policy and improve the said records centers. Based on literature studies, 67 items were developed in seven areas, reflecting the characteristics of experts' verification, statistical analysis, and defense records centers. This study also proposes the improvement of the records centers' strategy by citing cases that exhibit the use of the strategic operation model by the Ministry of National Defense.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.6
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• pp.374-381
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• 2022

The article identifies and theoretically substantiates the trends of national resilience in the context of establishing the security of the country and its civilizational subjectivity. The strategy of development of the pedagogical university in the conditions of European integration into the European educational and scientific space based on certain characterological features of the personality of the volunteer in the context of allocation of personal resilience is developed. The analysis of both external and internal challenges and threats to the civilization of the country needs to be understood in the context of economic, socio-political, legal, military-political, spiritual-cultural, educational-scientific and network-information resilience. The concepts of "national resilience" and "national security" are quite close - at first glance, even identical. However, a deeper understanding clarifies the differences: national security is a state of protection of the country identity and its very existence, the realization of its national interests. In turn, resilience is a fairly effective strategy and a fundamental guarantee of national security. At the same time, it is extremely important to understand that both national security as a state and national resilience as a strategy are only means of achieving and developing a strong and humanistic civilizational subjectivity of the country. After all, such subjectivity opens for citizens the opportunity for development, dignified self-realization and a proper life. The restructuring of the volunteer's motivational sphere is due to the dominance of such leading motives, which are focused mainly on maintaining and restoring health, which leads to distorted meaningful life goals: isolation, alienation, passivity, inertia, reduced activity, limited communication, etc. The characteristics of relatively stable human behavior include several primary and secondary properties. The primary (relevant) properties include patience, trust, hope, faith, confidence, determination, perseverance, and love; the secondary - punctuality, neatness, obedience, honesty, loyalty, justice, diligence, thrift, accuracy, conscientiousness, obligation, etc. The restructuring of the volunteer's motivational sphere is due to the dominance of such leading motives, which are focused mainly on maintaining and restoring health, which leads to distorted meaningful life goals: isolation, alienation, passivity, inertia, reduced activity, limited communication, etc. The characteristics of relatively stable human behavior include several primary and secondary properties. The primary (relevant) properties include patience, trust, hope, faith, confidence, determination, perseverance, and love; the secondary - punctuality, neatness, obedience, honesty, loyalty, justice, diligence, thrift, accuracy, conscientiousness, obligation, etc. The use of information and communication technologies in volunteering will contribute to the formation of resilience traits in the structure of personality formation. Directly to the personal traits of resilience should be included methodological competencies, which include methodological knowledge, skills and abilities (ability to define ultimate and intermediate goals, plan, conduct and analyze knowledge, establish and implement interdisciplinary links with disciplines of medical-psychological-pedagogical cycles, etc.). All these competencies form the professional resilience of the volunteer.

• Maritime Security
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-56
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• 2022

Why has India become a key actor in the maritime-configured Indo-Pacific region? There are some external factors, but for India, its geo-strategic frontier encompassing its geopolitical and maritime interests is expanding rapidly beyond its territorial space across both the Indian and Pacific oceans amidst an increasingly arduous geopolitical and security environment. India must, therefore, acquire the ability to influence events within this strategic arena using all facets of national power, including maritime-military power. Lately, therefore, New Delhi has invested much intellectual capital to review its maritime-security strategy. India's new strategy is premised on the concept of holistic security involving the 'softer' aspects of maritime-security, and a rekindling of maritime consciousness in India, a nation that has traditionally been beset by 'sea-blindness'. The strategy adopts a region-wide, inclusive, and a more proactive approach than hitherto, as is evident in its title 'Ensuring Secure Seas: Indian Maritime Security Strategy'. While it deals with the growing concern of new non-traditional threats in the Indian littoral and the need for military deterrence and preparedness, it also addresses the imperatives for India to seek a favorable and rules-based benign environment in its immediate and extended maritime periphery, including through multi-vectored strategic partnerships dictated by its enduring principle of strategic autonomy. For a more profound and comprehensive understanding of India's maritime-security strategy, this paper examines the key unstated and implicit factors that underpin the strategy. These include India's historical and cultural evolution as a nation; its strategic geography; its geopolitical and security perceptions; and the political directions to its security forces. The paper deals specifically with India's response to maritime threats ranging from natural disasters, crime and state-sponsored terrorism to those posed by Pakistan and China, as well as the Indian Navy's envisaged security role East of the Malacca Straits. It also analyzes the aspects of organizational restructuring and force planning of India's maritime-security forces.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.49-69
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• 2019

Over the last couple of years, digital diplomacy has become a fascinating area of research among Mass Communication, Peace and Conflict Studies, and International Affairs scholars. Social media and new technology open up new avenues for governments, individuals, and organizations to engage with foreign audiences. However, developing countries' governments are still lacking in the realization of the potential of social media. This study aims to analyze the usage of social media (Facebook & Twitter) by the two biggest countries in South Asia (Pakistan and India). I selected 10 government officials' social media accounts including prime ministers', national press offices', military public relations offices', public diplomacy divisions', and ministries of foreign offices' profiles. The study relies on quantitative content analysis and a comparative research approach. The total number of analyzed Twitter tweets (n=1,015) and Facebook posts (n=1,005) include 10 accounts, five from each country. In light of Kent and Taylor's (1998) dialogic communication framework, the results indicate that no digital engagement and dialogue occurs between government departments and the public through social networking sites. Government departments do not engage with local or foreign audiences through digital media. When comparing both countries, results reveal that India has more institutionalized and organized digital diplomacy. In terms of departmental use of social media, the digital diplomacy division and foreign office of India is more active than other government departments in that nation. Meanwhile, Pakistan's military public relations office and press office is more active than its other government departments. In conclusion, both countries realize the potential of social media in digital diplomacy, but still lack engagement with foreign audiences.