• Journal of architectural history
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.35-46
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• 2014

The temple Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) was repaired by Naong(懶翁), and with this the power of the temple became far greater to be the greatest Buddhist temple during late Goryeo and early Joseon. Naong's reconstruction of Hoeamsa was originated from Jigong(指空)'s teaching 'Samsan Yangsu(三山兩水)'. But it is not clear whether Samsan Yangsu really meant Hoeamsa. By the way, after 14 years, Naong suddenly remembered this word and began to repair Hoeamsa in a large scale. From this, we can guess that Naong tried to give the contemporary Buddhism some change through the repair of Hoeamsa. But, as King Gongmin(恭愍王) the greatest supporter of Naong was suddenly assassinated, the political situation changed a lot and Naong also died unexpectedly. Naong's death brought out the critical sense to Hoeamsa and, in the process to resolve the crisis, the repair of Hoeamsa began to be justified through diverse religious factors. As these were expanded and developed on and one, Hoeamsa came to be honored as the most divine temple in Korea during the early Joseon dynasty. Furthermore, into the cause structure for the Naong's repair of Hoeamsa, the influence of Jajang was added through Odaesan Buddhism. As we can well understand, late Silla situation of Jajang and the late Goryeo of Naong were very similar and the both Buddhist leaders should have derived out some religious solution for them. In other words, both of them had a similar recognition in finding the religious solution for the contemporary crises. It becomes a way to understand the Hoeamsa repairing structure taken by Naong and his disciples. Therefore, by comparing the similar religious solution structures given by Jajang and Naong and by clearer understanding on Samsan Yangsu spirit, we can see the repair of Hoeamsa and the related aspects more accurately.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.7-19
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• 2014

The temple Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) was repaired by Naong(懶翁), and with this the power of the temple became far greater to be the greatest Buddhist temple during late Goryeo and early Joseon. Naong's reconstruction of Hoeamsa was originated from Jigong(指空)'s teaching 'Samsan Yangsu(三山兩水).' But it is not clear whether Samsan Yangsu really meant Hoeamsa. By the way, after 14 years, Naong suddenly remembered this word and began to repair Hoeamsa in a large scale. From this, we can guess that Naong tried to give the contemporary Buddhism some change through the repair of Hoeamsa. But, as King Gongmin(恭愍王) the greatest supporter of Naong was suddenly assassinated, the political situation changed a lot and Naong also died unexpectedly. Naong's death brought out the critical sense to Hoeamsa and, in the process to resolve the crisis, the repair of Hoeamsa began to be justified through diverse religious factors. As these were expanded and developed on and one, Hoeamsa came to be honored as the most divine temple in Korea during the early Joseon dynasty. Furthermore, into the cause structure for the Naong's repair of Hoeamsa, the influence of Jajang was added through Odaesan Buddhism. As we can well understand, late Silla situation of Jajang and the late Goryeo of Naong were very similar and the both Buddhist leaders should have derived out some religious solution for them. In other words, both of them had a similar recognition in finding the religious solution for the contemporary crises. It becomes a way to understand the Hoeamsa repairing structure taken by Naong and his disciples. Therefore, by comparing the similar religious solution structures given by Jajang and Naong and by clearer understanding on Samsan Yangsu spirit, we can see the repair of Hoeamsa and the related aspects more accurately.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.82-91
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• 2002

The site for this plan is located at the foot of Mt. Unseo at Galcheon-ri, Changsu-myon, Youngdeok-gun. On the site stands Jangyutsa Temple, built by priest Naong in 1355 (in the 4th year of King Gongmin during Koryo Kingdom). The purpose of this plan is to widely publicize and commemorate priest Naong by designing a district centering around the temple. The basic directions of design can be summarized as follows 1) A special Buddhists'pilgrimage and sight-seeing district aimed at commemorating priest Naong will be developed to preserve the historic figure of priest Naong. To this end, a facility will be built to collect, preserve and exhibit materials related with the great priest in order to preserve his legacy and enhance the image of the space. 2) Special fractions which are rare in other districts will be introduced to create an image different from the conventional memorial districts or sight-seeing zones. To this end, the district will be divided into the Jangyuksa Temple area proper and a district memorial area, each of which will have its own unique characteristics with different functions. On the other hand, the two different areas will be related with each other and complemented by each other. Such planning techniques as articulation and superimposition will be used for a synergistic effect. 3) The plan will accommodate various programs centering around historical and cultural assets, and at the same time will allow tourists to have various experiences and access to the natural environment as well as to a variety of events. 4) In order to plan such landscapes as shown in the traditional mountain temples, the traditional tectonic forms will be used for the facilities. It is expected that the district surrounding Jangyuksa Temple will become a popular sight-seeing destination, and with new historical and cultural environments will become a valuable resource to widely publicize the culture of Youngdeok-gun.

• Journal of the Korea Safety Management & Science
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.117-128
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• 2008

The purpose of this paper is to cultivate field of new distribution and it will set three detail aims and such aims will be propelled. First, investigates a present condition of domestic financial distribution, second, presents standard model of financial distribution, and third, confirms suitability of standard model on financial distribution for instance analysis. incidental purpose is to offer improvement method about corresponding instance through deduction of problem and estimate of analysis instance. The purpose of this paper is also to induce more strategic financial industry through research of related system such as LIS, CVO and TMS or through research of prior innovation contents by application to NONGHYUP for realization of financial distribution model.

• Journal of Veterinary Clinics
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• v.36 no.5
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• pp.253-258
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• 2019

The objective of this study was to analyse the effects of MS-275 (Class I and II histone deacetylase inhibitor) supplementation on the development of porcine in-vitro somatic nuclear transfer embryo production. During in-vitro development, early embryos were exposed to different concentrations of MS-275 (0, $5{\mu}M$, $10{\mu}M$, and $20{\mu}M$). In in-vitro culture supplemented group, the blastocyst development rate was significantly enhanced by $10{\mu}M$ concentration than other groups (24.0% vs. 19.3%, 21.8%, 11.5%; P < 0.05). Additionally, the 6 h supplementation group, significantly improved the blastocysts production than 24 h, 48 h and control groups (26.1% vs. 17.0%, 15.2%, 2.8%; P < 0.05). Following supplementation with optimal concentrations and time ($10{\mu}M$-6 h group), the blastocyst production was significantly higher than control (25.7% vs 15.8%; P < 0.05). The optimal concentrations of MS-275 significantly enhanced the percentages of ICM:TE than control (43.6% vs. 38.4%; P < 0.05) accompanied with significantly higher expression levels of reprogramming related genes (POU5F1, Naong, and SOX2). In conclusion, the optimal concentrations of $10{\mu}M$ MS-275 and 6 h supplementation during in-vitro culture can significantly improve the quality of porcine in-vitro somatic nuclear transfer embryos through histone acetylation and epigenetic modification. Increasing the efficiency of clonal animal production will greatly promote the development of animal disease models and xenotransplantation.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.407-434
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• 2018

This study took a look at the crossing the border into Liadong in the early Joseon Dynasty, which has nearly not been paid attention to in the history of the Buddhism in Korea, and the Chinese, Buddhist whereabouts of Monk Mangong and Jeokhyu, the periodical, Buddhist priests. Regarding the large-scale, Buddhist oppression measures of King Taejong in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty and King Sejong, the Buddhist circle did not not respond helplessly, but, rather, it had made the resistance on its own way. Especially, the Naonghyegeum of Jogyeseonjong and the disciple affiliates of Taegobowu had stood out. The disciples of Bowu had mainly hit the Sinmungo or had advocated the self-purification of Buddhism. And the disciple affiliates of Naong either had reorganized the Buddhist circle with Muhak in the center or had opposed the suppression. And, by receiving the help of the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, they had intended to protect the Buddhist circle, or they, also, crossed the border into Liadong. Although, while attempting the crossing the border into another territory, they were arrested like the sea ships, like Mangong of King Taejong and Jeokhyu of King Sejong, they succeeded in crossing the border into another territory, and they left the clear whereabouts in the Chinese, Buddhist circle. Mangong was one Buddhist monk among the 11 Buddhist monks who crossed the border into Liadong during the King Taejong. After crossing the border, Mangong had moved again from Beijing on a sea route and had settled for after going into a mountain in the Zen sect at the Tienchieh temple in Nanjing. Meanwhile, he had been close to the Joseon Dynasty, and he relocated to Mount Taishan, where there had been the history, thereby rebuilding the Chikurin Temple and the Buchauchan temple and widely publicizing the Buddhism. During the time of King Sejong, by crossing the border into Liadong together with a total of 10 Monks, including the Buddhist monks Shinnae, Shinhyu, Shindam, Hyeseon, Hongjeok, Haebi, Shinyeon, Honghye, Shinwun, etc., under the protection by the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty in Beijing, Jeokhyu went through Shanhaiguan and had moved to the Tienchieh Temple in Nanjing. Although their whereabouts can not be known, on the Guji Mountain in Beijing, Jeokhyu founded the Banyaseonsa Temple nearby the Ryeongamseonsa Temple, where the clergy and the laity of the Goryeo Dynasty had resided and, especially, where Naong and the disciples of Muhak etc. had stayed. As such, the Buddhist monks in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty had either resisted the suppression by the country or crossed the border into another territory. Mangong and Jeokhyu of the times of King Taejong and King Sejong had led the Chinese, Buddhism circle, had rebuilt the Buddhist temples, and had contributed to the development of the Chinese Buddhism.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.61-84
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• 2019

This study is an analysis of Mengshan heshang analects. Mengshan heshang lived in Song(?) and Yuan(?) Dynasty and he was a Buddhist monk of Linji Chan(???). His works handed on Buddhist monks of Goryeo in the late Goryeo Dynasty. And he influenced Buddism in the early Joseon Dynasty. In Joseon Dynasty Mengshan heshang Sermons abstract was confirmed existence of 39 editions and Mengshan heshang Liudao Pushuo was confirmed existence of 24 editions. All 63 editions show that Sermons abstract and Liudao Pushuo are his representitive analects. All editions were printed in early Joseon Dynasty. At that time Mengshan heshang analects was distributed in Joseon Dynasty. Mengshan heshang analects was distributed in all over the nation as well as in Royal Family of Joseon. Also Mengshan heshang analects was published many times in the Mt. Jiri area. The names of almost engravers found on the publications of many temples. Some engravers actively participated in publishing Buddhist scriptures in particular area. His ideas were received in the late Goryeo Dynasty and the early Joseon Dynasty actively and his many works appears like this.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.54-77
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• 2020

Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.278-305
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• 2024

Gelatin dry plate photographs dating to the Japanese colonial era and the official documents from the Japanese Government-General of Korea Museum in the collection of the National Museum of Korea are significant materials documenting cultural heritage in North Korea before it was severely damaged in 1950 during the Korean War. There has been an increase in recent years in studies of Buddhist sculptures in North Korea based on these photographs and documents. This paper presents some new comments on the Buddhist sculptures at Seongbulsa Temple in Hwangju, one of the most famous temples in Hwanghae-do Province, based on the related existing research outcomes. This paper aims to facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist sculptures at Seongbulsa Temple by chronicling its history based on historical records, examining its current status, and exploring in detail the production dates and backgrounds of the Buddhist sculptures featured on gelatin dry plates. Prior to Korea's liberation from Japan in 1945, Seongbulsa housed at least seven sculptural items: two Bodhisattva statues, four Buddha statues, and a triad. Two items are from the early Goryeo period, one is from the late Goryeo period, three are from the early Joseon period, and one is from the late Joseon period. Among them, two surviving items are noteworthy. One is the early Goryeo-era Stone Seated Bhaishajyaguru Buddha photographed in Eungjinjeon Hall at Seongbulsa Temple. A close examination of a schematic drawing of the sculpture's pedestal made at the time it was photographed reveals that its material accords with the materials used for the headless Stone Seated Bhaishajyaguru Buddha and pedestal currently found in the old Sangwonam Hermitage site in the Inner Geumgang Valley of Jeongbangsan Mountain. This accordance could mean that the statue is a new significant example of early Goryeo Buddhist sculpture in North Korea. The other notable sculpture is the Gilt-bronze Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad created in 1454 (the second year of the reign of King Danjong) and discovered in Geungnakjeon Hall at Seongbulsa. This statue is currently in the collection of the Sariwon History Museum in Hwanghae-do Province. It is an important example of a dated small gilt-bronze Buddhist statue from the early Joseon period found in North Korea. This paper is a case study of Buddhist sculptures in North Korea, focusing on Seongbulsa Temple. Further utilization of the National Museum of Korea's gelatin dry plates will contribute to developing the study of the history of Korean Buddhist sculpture.