• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.34 no.9
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• pp.1558-1566
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• 2010

This study compares the body sizes of Korean and Mongolian female college students, their perceptions about body size, and body satisfaction based on similar cultural backgrounds. The subjects consisted of 164 Korean students and 171 Mongolian students from March to April, 2008. The age range was 17 to 22 years. We directly measured the body sizes of subjects and examined by questionnaire the degree of body cathexis, perceived body size, and ideal body size. Both Korean and Mongolian college students have similar body measurements but Korean college students have smaller heads, broader and slopped shoulders, and thinner arms and legs. There were insignificant differences in perceived body size for both groups; in particular they perceived that their lower body is fat or thick. However, there were differences in body satisfaction. Both groups had the lowest satisfaction rate for their lower bodies; but in all items, Korean college students had a lower body satisfaction rate than Mongolian college students even though they have thinner arms and legs. Finally, the ideal body style for both groups was a skinny body type, but Korean students preferred a much thinner body type. The body satisfaction rate is greatly affected by the ideal body than the actual body.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Geothermal and Hydrothermal Energy
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.1-11
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• 2012

Mongolia has three(3) geothermal zones and eight(8) hydrogeothermal systems/regions that are, fold-fault platform/uplift zone, concave-largest subsidence zone, and mixed intermediate-transitional zone. Average temperature, heat flow, and geothermal gradient of hot springs in Arhangai located to fold-fault platform/uplift zone are $55.8^{\circ}C$, 60~110 mW/m2 and $35{\sim}50^{\circ}C/km$ respectively and those of Khentii situated in same zone are $80.5^{\circ}C$, 40~50 mW/m2, and $35{\sim}50^{\circ}C/km$ separately. Temperature of hydrothermal water at depth of 3,000 m is expected to be about $173{\sim}213^{\circ}C$ based on average geothermal gradient of $35{\sim}50^{\circ}C/km$. Among eight systems, Arhangai and Khentii located in A type hydrothermal system, Khovsgol in B type, Mongol Altai plateau in C type, and Over Arhangai in D type are the most feasible areas to develop geothermal power generation by Enhanced Geothermal System (EGS). Potential electric power generation by EGS is estimated about 2,760 kW at Tsenher, 1,752 kW at Tsagaan Sum, 2,928 kW at Khujir, 2,190 kW at Baga Shargaljuut, and 7,125 kW at Shargaljuut.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.33
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• pp.274-289
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• 2000

Koryo Dynasty has greatly effected the meat eating practice in Korea. And by focusing on this period, this paper has in vestigated how this practice influenced and effected our meat eating culture. The 'Orders to Prohibit Butchery' written on Koryo's history books were to encourage stockbreeding rather than to follow the Buddhist policy they followed. By encouraging stockbreeding, they wanted to promote the usage of cattle in farming and thus increasing agriculture industry as a whole. Nonetheless, records show that hunting was permitted to a certain degree. And this allowed the civilians to depend their meat supply from hunting and for the fire field farmers to capture wild animals that harmed their crops. Moreover, through 'Kiwujae' (Kiwujae - a shamans service to pray for rain / ritual (praying) for rain.), we could see that earlier part of Karyo's rituals and ceremonies followed the Buddhist tradition while the latter followed the Shamanism tradition. Perhaps this was the result of allowing 'meat' for the service offerings. As Shamanism could be considered as a religion that allowed 'meat', prevalence of Shamanism was promoting meat-eating at mess(after these rituals and ceremonies that offered food (meat inclusive) to their guardian or god, the civilians would dine together.). In relation, this public eating practice slowed down the progress for storage technique. Therefore, meat-eating was developed through public and mass dining rather than through the form of family or private. On this account, we can safely regard meat-eating practice as a 'public event'. On the other hand, the history of castration is not so long in Korea. And the purpose of such practice was to use the stock for farming rather than to yield high quality meat. It is known that Mongol in Koryo period has greatly influenced meat cooking in Korea. And the exemplary dish is the 'tang' (tang - kind of soup. However less creamy, clearer broth and with more ingredients than soup.). However, the tang we ate in everyday life had the same cooking method as the tang we offered for services. Moreover, since we did not use castrated animals for our offering as the Mongolians, we must not have been greatly influenced by them. But if so, perhaps the influences would have been limited to the nobility.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.174-191
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• 2021

Gangdo (江都), a reproduction of Gaegyeong, was the capital of Goryeo for 39 years. However, due to the urgent wartime situation of the Mongol invasion and the geographical features of Ganghwa Island, the castle system and palace layout were somewhat different from those of Gaegyeong. Gangdo's castle can be understood as a triple castle system consisting of outer castle, middle castle, and inner castle. First, the outer castle was the first to be completed, and it was built at the forefront to prevent the Mongol army from invading in the first place. It is presumed that the section was between Huamdon and Hwadodon in the outer castle during the Joseon Dynasty. The middle castle can be seen as the present 'Middle Castle', a castle built of earth on the outskirts of the Ganghwa-mountain Castle. Considering the sophistication and robustness of the construction method confirmed in the archaeological research, this castle is thought to have been built under a meticulous plan. In other words, as the capital city, it was completed 'at last' as recorded in the Koryo History, after a long 18-year construction process to protect palaces, government offices, and private houses. The inner castle was a castle with the character of a palace. This corresponds to the Old Castle of Ganghwabu (江華府) during the Joseon Dynasty, and it almost coincided with the scale of the composition of Gaegyeong's palace castle. It was a complex functional space, featuring the integration of the palace and the imperial castle, where the main government offices and ancillary facilities, including the palace, were located. Based on the documentary record that these palaces were similar to Gaegyeong's palace, the palace map was overlapped with that of Gaegyeong. The central axis of the building from Seungpyeongmun (昇平門) to Seongyeongjeon (宣慶殿) coincided with Kim Sangyongsunjeol Monument in Ganghwa- Goryeo Palace. Therefore, it seems that the palace of Gangdo had the same basic structure as that of Gaegyeong. However, the inner palace and annexed buildings must have been arranged in consideration of the topographical conditions of Ganghwa, and this is estimated to be the Gunggol area in Gwancheong-ri.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.

• Korean Business Review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.43-56
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• 2008

Many tourists in the world are expected to visit Mongolia that has impression such as country of nature with no damage, broad prairie of Mongolia, unique world natural heritage of $13^{th}$ century designated by UNESCO, and nomad's life in self-sufficiency. Mongol tourism industry, which has been newly recognized since collapse in the socialism system in 1990, is abundant in historical and cultural resources In tourism. Nevertheless, a research is insufficient on tourism business, developmental sphere in tourism industry, tourism policy and tourism resource development. Accordingly, it is important to conduct tourism promotional survey and implementation of new ideas to develop and to attach more foreign tourists to Mongolia. The purpose of this study is to grasp factors to gain an interest of foreign tourists to select Mongolia as a destination. The aim was also to confirm differences in awareness and performance before and after a visit for foreign tourists to select a trip to Mongolia. Also, the level of factors is compared between expectation before the trip to Mongolia, and the actual satisfaction in tourists through IP analysis(IPA). Finally, to study the present situation of Mongolian tourism to improve its present situation by taking immediate concrete decision for the betterment of Mongolian tourism industry. In order to achieve the objectives of this study, the exploratory factors analysis, reliability test, and One-way ANOVA were carried out by using SPSS 12.0 statistical program.

• Journal of Animal Science and Technology
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.15-22
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• 2004

To investigate genetic features and the allele distribution of transferrin gene in three Cheju horse groups (group I, 137 horses of Jeju institute; group II, 107 horses of farms; group III, 89 racing horses) and three foreign breeds(l03 Thoroughbred, 10 Mongolian and 5 American Quarter horses), transferrin gene exons 13, 15, and 16 were analyzed by SSCP. The allele frequencies of transferrin gene of these groups and breeds were used to calculate genetic distances and to test population differentiations. The Fst values were 0.067 between Cheju horse groups I and II, 0.070 between Cheju horse groups I and group III, 0.091 between Cheju horse group I and Mongolian breed, and 0.189 between Cheju horse group I and Thoroughbred breed. Cheju horse group I showed significant population differentiation from other two Cheju horse groups and three foreign breeds while Cheju horse group III showed significant population differentiation only from Cheju horse group I and Thoroughbred breed(p <0.05). Results indicate that three Cheju horse groups showed population differentiation between each other, suggesting genetic heterogeneity of Cheju horses.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.105-115
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• 2001

When restoring a tomb of Songeun, Park Ik that damaged by typhoon in Kobubri, Chungdomyon, Mill Yang, Kyoung Nam in October 2000, a flower designed stone and fresco was discovered. Soneun Park Ik passed the civil service examination in Kongmin dynasty and was consecutively occupied Sajaedogam(司宰少監; regarded as one of second highest official rank). The fresco realistically depicts custom of ordinary people in end of Koryo, beginning of Chosun dynasty that it is considered as an important research material in study of ostumes. Therefore, this research intend to contribute to study of costumes in general public of Koryo that has insufficient study materials through study and analyze of costumes in the fresco with literature research. The number of figures in the fresco is presumed as 26-27 in all but clearly observed figures is only five women and four men and partly damaged figures are two men and two women. Women are worn relatively long yoo that can cover hip as an upper garment and Sang(裳) as trousers. The upper garments are all adjusted to right and has Jikryoung gik (straight collars) but there are strip attached collars or double collars among the Jikryoung gik. The length of Sang reaches to ankle and a waistband is trailed to below the knees. Most of hair are combed in the two sides and made a ring, moreover worn ceremonial coronet, which imply the ceremonial parade. Distinguished from the frescos of Koguryo, there are no women wearing Po(袍) also Yoo with Dae(帶) and without were coexisted. The mens costume is mainly appeared in two types. One(元) is Danryoungpo, Po with round collar and wearing a lozenge shaped crest with a brim, the other is Jikryoung Po, Po with straight collar, and wearing Ballib(拔笠), the latter is a costume of two man presumed as envoys. In the case of Danryoungpo, its length reached to ankle that shows decorum and in Jikryoungpo its length is below the knees that seem to offer practicality for envoys to guide a long journey. Both man and women are in decent cloth with a crest, which simple costume for ordinary people as a Chaksoopo that has comfortable length for movement and narrow sleeves. Songeun Park Ik actively worked under regency of One dynasty that influence of Mongol is seen in mans crest. There are some changes but including womens costume most of cloth are followed Korean traditional costume style.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.43
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• pp.243-258
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• 1999

This is a study of CHOK-DU-RI(族頭里) a black crown-like headpiece worn by woman on formal occasion in Chosun Dynasty and has succeeded until now. CHOK-DU-RI was originated by BOKTAK worn by Mongolian noblewomen and inflowed to the last period of Koryo dynasty under occupation of Yuan. The documentary records of O-JU-YON-MUN-CHSNG-JON-SAN-KO( by Lee Kyu-kung CHUNG-JANG-KWAN-JON-SUH by Lee Tock-mu and KO-SA-TONG by choe Nam-sun verify CHOK-DU-RI is a custom of mongolian fusion that was affected by KO-KO of Yuan and was formed. Ko-Ko is the same as BOKTAK. It is assumed KO-KO is a borrowed name as its transcription varies. The name was given according to its appearance which is certified by the record CHANGCHUN-CHIN-IN-SEO-BANG-YU-RAM-KI. It says that it can be simply named KO-KO as its edge is alike ad goose or a duck. In addition KO-Ko was called CHOGTAI in case of being added a camel fur that is JUGDUR. CHOGTAI similarily pronounced with CHOK-DU-RI which of being added a camel fur that is JUGDUR, CHOGTAI similarily pronounced with CHOK-DU-RI which provd CHOK-DU-RI was originated in Mongol. The shape of BOKTAK is very high and wided toward the top with the top with the angle getting more pointed and a feather stuck on the side. But its height got lower and its size smaller as it did gradually Koreanized to a CHOK-DU-RI. The use of CHOK-DU-RI has been settled since the last period of Chosun Dynasty. It came to stay as a popular custom when King Young-jo and Jong-jo wanting to do away with the corrupt practice of KA-CHE encouraged women at that time to do their hairs with CHOK-DU-RI instead of KA-CHE. It is as follows the classification of CHOK-DU-RI. First classified by a use group is divided into ceremonial use such as the seven treasures CHOK-DU-RI and jeweled CHOK-DU-RI. Hereby it is assumed that CHOK-DU-RI was used regardless of fortune. Secondly it varies by its type of frame. There are SOM CHOK-DU-RI OHT CHOK-DU-RI and O-YOM CHOK-DU-RI a kind of SOM CHOK-DU-Ri formed a base of O-YOM-MO-RI. The third group by jeweling has WHE-BONG CHOK-DU-RI and TA-BONG-CHOK-DU-RI JEwele CHOk-DU-RI can be still seen being commercially lent and worn by the brides at nuptical ceremonies performed in tradition of fashion and when worn bya bride as she gives her parents to her parents-in-law.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.24 no.5
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• pp.33-40
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• 2015

The present study is aimed to reconsider the time of installation and the purpose of the square footstone located at the center of the wooden pagoda in Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on related precedent studies. Precedent studies are divided into two streams of assertions: one is that the square footstone was to support the major pillars at the time of building and the other is that it was installed to store Buddhist reliquaries inside the central foundation stone after the wood pagoda burnt down in the Invasion of Mongol. Summarizing the grounds with which the precedent studies support their assertions, they are the relation with Gaseopbul Yeonjwaseok, the emerging time of the square footstone, repairing work at the level of reconstruction, additional enshrinement of general Buddhist reliquaries and so on. The present study reviewed the key grounds suggested in the previous studies regarding the square footstone. First, it was determined that the square footstone has nothing to do with Gaseopbul Yeonjwaseok, after looking into the timings of appearance, condition and shape in literatures. Rather, it was assumed that Gaseopbul Yeonjwaseok resembles a stone column. Next, the square footstone is assumed to be installed after the 4th year of King Kwangjong's rule because the wood pagoda was lost in fire in the 4th year of Kwangjong's rule and it had been left alone for 68 years until the repair work finished in the 13th year of King Hyunjong. It is assumed that repair works at the level of reconstruction had been twice in total, say, once during King Kyungmun and Hyunjong, respectively. Next, looking into the establishment of the general Buddhist reliquaries and the repair work during King Kyungmun, it was not common then to enshrine additional Buddhist reliquaries when repair work progressed and so there was not an additional enshrinement of Buddhist reliquaries after King Kyungmun. However, it is hard to decide that there was no repair work at the level of reconstruction at that time. Last, we can find a similar case to the square footstone of the wood pagoda in Hwangnyongsa Temple in the copper pagoda in Japanese Yaksasa Temple. In conclusion, it is assumed that the wooden pagoda in Hwangnyongsa Temple was lost to the fire in the 4th year of King Kwangjong's rule and thus the square footstone had been used as Jinho stone to protect Buddhist reliquaries and used as a propping stone for the major pillars after King Hyungjong.