• Trans-
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• v.2
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• pp.39-58
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• 2017

This essay aims to examine Korean motion picture policy on the government censorship system from Jacques Derrida's thought associated with sense of ethics. Korean motion picture policy has focused on protection of domestic films to achieve a national goal from military dictatorship regime, so-called people unification or social stability. It also aimed to spread propaganda for despotic government. Thus, the government keeps tight control over all motion picture policy. It restricts not only freedom of choosing movies but also creativity from artist. Derrida used to talk about the justice and violence law. Derrida's thought is connected with the ethical consideration. This research concerned about the violence within film censorship policy of Korean government and explore possibilities of ethical censorship policy from Derrida's perspectives.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.25 no.6
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• pp.73-80
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• 2016

A discourse on the Independence Hall of Korea, a representative cultural project of the 1980s, has been understood as a repetition of the traditional debate of the 1960s. It was considered as a petrified propaganda aimed at ensuring the fragile legitimacy of the military regime, and the architect as a sympathizer. Even if all these facts are true, it does not give any explanation for the architecture. Scrutinizing the building process and the change of discourse in the Independence Hall of Korea, this paper tries to explore a section of contemporary Korean architecture in the 1980s. The architect who designed the Independence Hall of Korea is Kim Kiwoong, however, it was Kim Won who took charge of overall scheme for it. Kim Won replaced the role of a technocrat in the 1960s, who deprived architects of his autonomy. Against this backdrop, Kim Kiwoong attempted to explain his own building via various concept like postmodernism, which gave him very proper context. But, later, he appropriated words like void and madang. These derived from some architectural historian's researches in 1970s, and were to predict the architecture of the 1990s.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.44-58
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• 2017

Scholars have long debated the factors that drive political participation and have recently applied theories, developed from analyses of citizens from Europe and the United States, to respondents in the democratizing countries of Asia. In both Hong Kong and Singapore, however, citizens attend rallies and contact officials - yet do so under authoritarian governance. Are the causes of political participation in these cities similar to what is observed in other groups of respondents across Asia? Or, do institutions influence whether individuals participate? In this paper, I evaluate the development of liberal norms of engagement in both cities as a function of traditional models of participation. As citizens in these cities possess some of the highest standards of living in the region, they should also face frustrations with the limited democratic accountability of their leaders. Ultimately, individuals in each city have developed support for democracy but, given the differing goals of each regime, the nature of democratic engagement differs considerably. In Singapore, citizens are mobilized to engage and participate but support the status quo. By contrast, engaged Hong Kong residents participate out of a frustration with the government, a function of their high levels of internal efficacy and institutional detachment.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.14
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• pp.413-429
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• 2007

The Guard over the royal household in the "Goryeo" era was the same as if was over the President or Ruler of a nation today. In those days, a king represented a nation and any threat to the safety of a king could bring the destruction of a nation and the dispersion of the people. by reviewing the change of the 2-Gun 6-Wi system of the era, it can be, summed up as follow, Ther will be suggestions. The Guard might focus on a king's personal safety in the wake of the system of the Silla and Taebong dynasties until the establishment of the Goryeo Dynasty's unique political system. "Goryeo" rebuilt the royal palace in Gyeonyeong-gun to take the shape of unified country after its accomplishment of unification of the late three countries, Then it was afraid of the rebellion and uprising of local powerful clans, The country put them under control and organized the local army with them in the era of Kings, Seongjong, through the kings, Seongjong and Gwangjong. The army system of "Goryeo" consisted of 2-Gun and 6-Wi, and 2-Gun placed above the 6-Wi played the role of the Royal guards, and among the organizations a certain army under the specific name of "Gyeonyong-gun" guarded the kings in the nearest position. An aristocratic culture enjoyed its golden age in the period of stability of the aristocracy of "Goryeo", but afterward in the confusion of the aristocratic disruption and incompatible confrontation the country lost its control, and faced military rebellions by treating civil officials well and ill-treating military officials The safety of kings become unstable with the grasping political power by the military officials, and "Dobang" was established in the era of Choi's family to grasp political power. In the era of Choi Woo, he gathered his men and organized his familys army with them and managed the personnel administration with the civil officials of "Jeongbang and Seobang under his command. Such a fact shows the similarity to today's task of guarding. Considering the facts that "Sambyeolcho, the military ground of the military-men-rule, was at the center of the struggling against Mongolia and that even after the fall of the military regime, they rebelled and fought against Mongolia to the end, we came to know that the nationalism in the era of the military era was great. In the transition of external situations from "Myeong" to "Won"(Chinese dynasties), the conflict between the old "Won"-friendly power and the new "Myeong"-friendly power caused the weakness of the power to guard the royal household, and "Goryeo" at last gave way to the newly rising "Joseon" led by Lee, Seong Gye who won the people's confidence.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.4
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• pp.351-379
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• 2006

Former ministers of national defense and foreign affairs, intellectuals such as former and incumbent professors, and various NGO groups are demanding the South Korean government to stop promoting independence in operational control which is currently held by the United States Armed Forces in Korea commander. Although the Korea should exercise operational control independently in the future, orientation on the direction which should be taken under consideration in promoting this transfer should be assumed. First of all, South Korea must sufficiently examine the criticisms and dissenting opinions, and reflect them in promoting independence in operational control. From now on, the South Korean government should reflect the opinions of experts in operational control, and must promote the transfer with national consensus. Unilateral enforcement of the transfer may cause serious errors and aggravate conflicts Second, ROKA's exercise of independence in operational control should take place only after gaining restraint on North Korea's attack against the South, and the issues on nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction(WMD) has been resolved, and a peace regime has been reached. Furthermore, exercise of independence in wartime operational control should be promoted only if there is a guarantee that international trust and the military collaboration will be restored to a level beyond the present state. Third, the USFK and the Korean-US alliance is providing South Korea with national security, not to mention tremendous diplomatical, and economical benefits However, if the alliance between the two countries become weakened due to the exercise of the independence in operational control, we might suffer a great deal of loss. Even though reasonable justification and external independence may be gained through promoting independence in operational control, it should be promoted in a longitudinal manner because national security problems and conflicts may be intensified, and there is no actual profit in doing so. Fourth, if the Korean-US alliance becomes weakened and therefore the United States decides to discuss eastern-asia strategies, North Korea deterrence strategies, and Japanese rearmament issues with other neighboring countries, South Korea may become diplomatically isolated and a subordinate to surrounding countries, destroying the independence we have now instead of restoring it Therefore searching for means to reinforce international trust and collaboration between South Korea and the United States, and leaving ROKA’s independence in operational control as a long term objective would be a more realistic method.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.353-384
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• 2013

When it comes to the current inter-Korean relationship, the two Koreas are in the step of core practical negotiation on exchanges and cooperation away from deadlock so far. It is expected that they will have more and frequent meetings in the future. Therefore, now is the time the South Korea needed to come up with systematic countermeasures because there is nothing more important and giving more impact on our society than the matter of North Korea. As the purpose of social science lies with the explanation and prediction of the social phenomena in the society, it is considered to be meaningful to analyze the representative military negotiations such as the defense ministry-level talks, general-level talks, and working-level talks between the two Koreas where the participants from South Korea consisting of the military representatives discussed with their counterparts of North Korea since the signing of the armistice in Korea on July 27, 1953. This study analyzes and evaluates the behaviors of North Korea's military negotiations with the South Korea in the Kim Jong-il era on the overall basis. In particular, the research tries to prove that the behaviors of military negotiations under Kim Jeong-il regime were made in the frame of the negotiation model by analyzing many negotiations presented in 'With Century', Kim Il Sung's Memoirs under his anti-Japan-guerilla era and suggesting the analysis frame of anti-Japan-guerilla style negotiation model. Based on the results of this proof, the study looks at carefully the specific characteristics of anti-Japan guerrilla-type negotiation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Navigation
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.1-21
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• 1993

The purpose of this paper is to search for reasonable and fair principles applicable to the delimitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone(which is called the EEZ, hereinafter) around the Korean Peninsula th-rought the comprehensive study of maritime boundary, which is one of the most important issues in the law of the Sea. So far, the sea has been exploited for activities such as fishery, transport and military stratedy, and en-vironmental policy and so on. From this time on, however, it becomes important to us as the major trea-sure-house of various resources which will be developed and used for diversified purposes. For these rea-sons, nowadays, more and more countries of the world are competing to secure waters as much as possible within their jurisdiction. And the regime of the EEZ was created as a result of this international trend. At last, it has been institutionalized as the 200-mile EEZ of a legal notion in the Convention on the Law of the Sea, which was adopted at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, in Jamaica on December 10, 1982. In adapting to this EEZ institution, Korea is faced with several complicated problems as it is bounded on three sides by the sea and all of its neighboring countries such as the PRC, the DPRK, Japan, Russia etc are less than 400 miles away between opposite countries. Therefore, when trying to delimit the boun-dary for the EEZ, it appears necessary to analyze applicable principles and rules of international law for delimitation mainly through the Convention on the Law of the Sea, and studies the trends of actual State practices and recent international precedents. It is hoped that such knowledge will enable Korea to secure sufficient resources and other sovereign rights without conflicting with the neighboring countries concer-ned. For the achievement of the above mentioned object. I analyzed the necessities of the establishment of the EEZ in Korea, the difficulties and practices of Korea's neighbors, and the changes and forthcoming trends in Korea's relations with its neighbors concerned on the basis of the general explanation of the EEZ regime. In conclusion, it is my opinion that for the establishment of the EEZ delimitation which neighbors around the Korean Peninsula should be applied reasonable and equitable principles considering the rele-vant circumstances which characterize the area definitely as well as the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.5-44
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• 2018

The Buma Uprising, which took place in Busan and Masan from 16 to 20 October 1979, was a challenge against the contradictions of the Yushin Regime. Only after 6 days from the insurrection, the 10 26 Accident transpired, in which the then president Park Chung-hee was assassinated, and the Buma Uprising, which acted as the fuse to the shooting, remained as an 'incomplete uprising'. To commensurate with the subject of the paper 'The Truth about Buma Uprising and Historical Reflection', the purpose of this study is to explore how the uprising began, unfolded, and oppressed by comparing it with Busan Uprising and Masan Uprising. It also focuses to discuss, in detail, the effect of the demonstration by college students and the general public and suppression by the forces of the police and military on President Park and his government. This year, we celebrate the 39th anniversary of Buma Uprising, and with all the issues of discovering the truth, restoration of reputation and more, there are decisions and resolves to make including amendment of the legal system. However, there are certain groups of people who act as they led the uprising and mislead and exploit the facts of the events through illegitimate records and testimony, making it impossible to determine the truth. Discovering the truth will require acquisition of objective materials, testimony of those involved in the event and field research as well as imposition of legal and social punishment on those who distorted the truth about the event.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.219-246
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• 2017

Nuclear issue is a good example showing globalization of the international regime. The history showed nuclear weapons may cause the extinction of human races when the first nuclear bombs fell down to Japan in August, 1945 and people became increasingly eager to achieve peace. Military buildup for national security is a matter of existence in the international society. However, disarmament or arms control to secure international peace and safety which is also the purpose of the Charter of the United Nations may be the most important task for us to realize peace of the mankind. Today, disarmament, together with amicable settlement of international conflicts and collective security system, is an important means to maintain and promote international peace and safety. It might be our permanent task to realize complete disarmament but, as the Preamble of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) expressed general and complete disarmament, the international society has clarified its effort for complete disarmament. Thus, taking a look into the international regime on the nuclear issue and progress related to the nuclear issue in North Korea, the study was intended to introduce the globalization of the nuclear issue, review the international effort for nuclear disarmament based on the concept of the 'common heritage of the mankind' and with respect to the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS) and controls over nuclear weapons, and then evaluate the North Korean nuclear issue, which is in direct relation with South Korea and international laws, in terms of the space law and disarmament acts. The collective security system along with policies to prevent dissemination of nuclear weapons should also be emphasized and implemented to cope with the North Korean nuclear issue.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.