• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.113-122
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• 2018

The issue of security on the Korean peninsula is facing the greatest upheaval in 2018 with the inter-Korean summit and the US-North Korea summit. North Korea has pursued the parallel policy developing military and economic at the same time. However, North Korea is changing its route to give up nuclear weapons and focus on the economy through summit talks. Since the change in North Korea is similar to that of Libya in the past, it is necessary to analyze why North Korea is trying to abandon its nuclear program and how the process is flowing compared to the case of Libya. The Libya model was constructed and analyzed in terms of international and domestic perpectives and recognition of the situation by leadership. North Korea's nuclear policy was evaluated based on the Libya model. The nuclear development of Libya and North Korea has caused diplomatic and economic pressures from the international community and ultimately led to instability of the regime. Two countries have tried to abandon nuclear program in order to solve the instability of the regime, also gain the economic reward insead. Libya took economic benefits and secured some of the stability of the regime, but the regime collapsed under the wave of democracy due to the influx of foreign capital and ideas. North Korea will seek diplomatic and economic gains with the example of Libya, but will try to limit as much as possible the culture of democracy and the full opening that can be incidental.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.99-109
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• 2004

This study analyzed the multivariate impacts of subsidies on the sustainability of fish stock using a dynamic bioeconomic modeling and fisheries resources economic approaches for understanding impacts of a subsidy on the sustainability of a fish stock. According to the results of analysis, the conclusion of former studies is true only there are imperfect control of fishing effort and enforcement under management rerime and under open access. However, if there are perfect control of effort and enforcement, the subsidies do not give any negative impacts on the sustainability of fish stock. Further, if even so-called bad subsidy is also provided necessarily in response to the condition of fishing industry and the characteristic of fishermen, it can give positive impacts on fishing income by which fishermen can improve their fishing condition.

• CELLMED
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• v.13 no.10
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• pp.10.1-10.5
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• 2023

Objective: A report investigating the positive effects of Korean language learning on the psychological healing of local students studying Korean during the period of disobedience in Myanmar. Methods: 37 students studying Korean at local foreign language universities in Myanmar and unable to attend school anymore due to their opposition to the military regime are experiencing psychological symptoms of distress and anger. Results: In this survey, Most Myanmar students responded that they receive psychological healing through self-study of the Korean language. Conclusion: It can be inferred that Korean language learning has psychological healing effects.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.49-60
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• 2017

This study is an overview of the processing of national defense reform in the meantime and to analyze the development of alternative processes are conducted in all the service system operating status of the military regime aims at prese-nting the efficient utilization of natural science and engineering professionals. The purpose of this study was to discuss about the efficient utilization of science and engineering professionals according to the Defense Reform organized as follows. Chapter 2 looked into the concept of conscription system and cause for change, Chapter 3 analyzed utilization of science and engineering professionals and the practices related to engineering and professional workforce. Chapter 4 took to understand the military system improvement based on the derived implications will be presented the role of the relevant ministries. Chapter 5 Conclusion would present a summary of the results discussed above and deploy the argument in the direction. The study conclusions are First, the need to develop alternative military service system in the desired direction to derive a social consensus about the survival of the Selective Service System Status. Second, to establish a provisional Armed Forces to train science and engineering professionals with superior officers and noncom missioned officers and they should be able to contribute to the develop-ment of an individual's development and the national economy. In particular, legal and trial and error and failures of the system was carried out in the past in the process of seeking the required institutional improvements should not make the error to repeat.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.183-211
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• 2018

Hyesim(慧諶) was an important figure that established a firm position of Suseonsa(修禪社), which was Jinul's Gyeolsadojang(結社道場), under the sponsorship of Choi Yi(崔怡)'s military regime. This paper reviews the background of "Ganbyeongron(揀病論)", in which Hyesim's Zen ideology is condensed, and its core content Sibjongbyeong(10 kinds of disease). With this, we can newly recognize following 5 facts: First, Sibjongbyeong occupied the most important position in Hyesim. It can be confirmed by the fact that Sibjongbyeong commonly occurred in the procedure that Hyesim was trusted by Jinul, in the "Ganhwagyeoleuiron(看話決疑論)" a Jinul's posthumous work published by Hyesim, and in "Ganbyeongron". Second, the publication of "Ganbyeongron" was not only for the systematic development of Ganhwa Gyeongjeol(看話 徑截) which Jinul had suggested but also for the consolidation of Hyesim's position in Suseonsa. Third, Hyesim wanted to establish the Ganhwa Gyeongjeol which Jinul had proposed through "Ganbyeongron". Fourth, the result of "Ganbyeongron" was to generalize the enlightenment suggested by Jonggo and Jinul in the practical aspect. Fifth, the generalization of enlightenment was not independent from the demands of the time that Choi Yi's military regime had asked. With this research approach, we can establish a clearer understanding about the "Ganbyeongron", Sibjongbyeong, and the Zen Buddhist aspects of early Suseonsa Era.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.128-148
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• 2014

In south Korea, the so-called 'conservative-liberal' rivalry over the assessment of the government's North Korean policies is seen to be impeding the road to right policy choices. For example, the liberals accused former President Lee Myung-bak's hardline policy of provoking Pyongyang and leading to a deterioration of inter-Korean relations, while the conservatives appreciated it for helping nurture mutually beneficial inter-Korean relations in the longer term by compelling North Korea to observe international norms. However, such debate over the vices and virtues of Seoul's North Korea policies is hardly meaningful as the measuring sticks used by the liberals and the conservatives are entirely different matters. The two major goals South Korea must pursue with its North Korean policies should be 'peaceful management of division' and 'change in North Korea'. The former is related to maintaining stability within South Korea and promoting co-prosperity with North Korea. For this, the nation needs to engage, encompass and assist the Pyongyang regime. The second goal is also necessary since South Korea, as a divided nation, must seek a unified Korea under the system of democracy and market economies by bringing change in North Korea. For this, South Korea needs powerful leverages with which it can persuade and coerce the North. This means that the nation is destined to simultaneously chase the above-mentioned two goals, while also both recognizing and negating the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. This situation necessitates Seoul to apply flexibility in reconciling with Pyongyang while applying firm principles to sever the vicious circle involving the North's military provocations. The May 25 Measures, which banned trade and economic cooperation with the North except those related to humanitarian assistance, were taken as sanctions against Pyongyang for sinking the South Korean corvette Chonan in March 2010. The Measures were taken by the Seoul government immediately after a multinational investigation team discovered evidence confirming that the South Korean naval ship had been torpedoed by a midget North Korean submarine. Naturally, the May 24 Measures have since then become a major stumbling block in inter-Korean exchange, prompting opposition politicians and concerned entrepreneurs to demand Seoul to unilaterally lift the Measures. Given the significant damages the Measures have inflicted on inter-Korean economic relations, removing them remains as homework for both Koreas. However, the Measures pertains to the 'principles on national security' the Seoul government must adhere to under all circumstances. This is why North Korea's apology and promises not to repeat similar provocations must come first. For now, South Korea has no alternative but to let North Korea solve the problems it has created. South Korea's role is to help the North do so.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.135-154
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• 2012

The goal of this paper is to analyze the Freedom Center Apacle in Seoul designed by Kin Soo Geun who was a leading architect in Korean Modern architecture. Freedom Center was built in 1963, that was the largest monumental building to support military regime during cold war period in Korea. This paper deals with historical background of construction of Freedom Center and its characteristics compared to similar monumental buildings, especially Corbusier's Chandigar and Kenzo Tange's Hiroshima Peace Center. The Monumentality in Freedom Center came from the reference to these two buildings and its site plan. This paper tried to show how similar the layout of buildings between the Freedom Center and Peace Center. The origin of the sublime aura in Tange's linear layout of Peace Center is from Japanese Famous Shrine(Jinku). Kim translated it to serve the ideological purpose to protect from socialist regime in the name of freedom. Its over-scaled roof and weak contents showed Freedom center was a kind of theaterical setting belong to formalist building. But in spite of its symbolic and representational gesture its also had a architectonic physical quality to make it a monument. The change and duration in time testified the autonomous power of architecture in Freedom Center. Freedom Center was also important for using the exposed concrete and its superior finish. It was influenced not from western way of Benton Brut which was usually called New Brutalism but Japanese way of treating expose concrete. In spite of its limits Freedom center achieved new trend and sensibility in Korean Modern Architecture.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.6 s.105
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• pp.933-954
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• 2004

This paper considers critically the conceptual development of international environmental security, and to explore some limitations which seem to have made difficult the construction of regional environmental governance among North-East Asian countries. The recently emerging concept of environmental security has turned the traditional or realistic meaning of security to the neo-liberal and the political-economic one. On the basis of a reconsideration of these newly developed meanings of security, this paper has reviewed critically some work which have focused on the concepts of environmental regime and of environmental governance. To formulate a true environmental governance, it is suggested that we need a theoretical analysis on the economic and political contexts and a practical development of civil society. From this point of view, the economic structure of labour division, the political tension and military opposition in the region, and the immaturity and exclusiveness of civil consciousness can be pointed out as some limitations of environmental security to be constructed in the North-East Asian region. A true environmental security in this region requires formation of reciprocal economic relationship, development of regional institutions for political trust among countries, and improvement of interaction between non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.101-111
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• 2018

The autonomous weapon systems are being developed with a global competition due to the 4th industrial revolution technologies such as artificial intelligence. This theses analyzes on the technologies related to the autonomy of the new weapons, the new changes in war fighting regime that will be brought by such autonomous weapons, the level of autonomy in a autonomous weapon system, and also the definition and functions of the autonomy. The advanced artificial intelligence for the civilian commercial sectors would be similar to the required military autonomous systems. The future war fighting regime would be the war with autonomous weapon systems without any human casualties. The level of autonomy in the future weapons would be fully autonomous without any human supervision or involvement in the decision making processes. The functions of the autonomous weapon would be to sense, to decide, and to act with a full autonomy in order to accomplish desired purposes.