• International journal of advanced smart convergence
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.153-158
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• 2019

Language and letter are represented by a combination of its signifier and signified. All symblos are commonly calling direct attention to people who are living in the physical world. However, in cyberspace, the image takes control once inhabited by the language. Cyberspace with anonymity and deoent physical nature has something with physical laws. In this space the statue transcends the imaginary realm. Ideology gives a greater connotation by giving a series of regulation to images floating in cyberspace. Even if various media have the same image, the meaning of the image changes depending on which ideology is used. The impact of this on the public is great. In this study, I discuss the ideology in cyberspace where is supposedly wide open to who visits and spreads all the thoughts without suppression and the human body. The main ideas would be who owns the ideology and what does it want to control and how the people would react to the ideology. This paper would eventually head the prototype that visualizes above ideas. Though the interactive media it will also show the subject in the real world is accept the images floating in the cyberspace without any doubts.

• 중국학논총
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• 제64호
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• pp.141-156
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• 2019

After coming to power, Xi Jinping has continuously announced his political conviction, novel view of values, new thoughts and theories through the various kinds of mass media. A comprehensive understanding of these contents allows us to examine Xi Jinping's intention of building Chinese national ideology, and the process of change and settlement of his ideas. This paper aims to explore the following issues based on the Xi Jinping's statements. Chapter 2 examines the process and time-background where the ideas of Marx·Mao Zedong, and China specific ideology of Socialism become the sources of Xi Jinping's Ideology formation. Chapter 3 deals with the contents and function of the China dream which is the fundamental aim of Xi Jinping's Ideology formation. Chapter 4 focuses on the historical value of Xi Jinping's Ideology formation.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.304-326
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• 2023

News shows often deliver crosscutting information to their audiences by inviting commentators from rival political parties. If these news shows foster the formation of informed and balanced views of the audience, mass media could provide countermeasures against political polarization. To test the effect of such news shows, this study conducted an experiment with two variants of a simulated radio talk show. In the partisan scenario, the two guest commentators' affiliations suggested their ideological orientation. In the non-partisan scenario, the commentators had neutral affiliations. We divided participants into two ideology groups, liberals and conservative, and compared each group's evaluation of the commentators in the two scenarios. Two multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) tests were conducted to analyze the effect of the perceived ideology of the commentators on respondents' attitudes toward the commentators' arguments depending on their own ideological inclinations. The analyses results did not support the hypothesis that anticipated partisan attitudes towards the commentators' arguments. It was only the liberal respondents who showed statistically significant different attitudes toward commentators' arguments in each of the two scenarios. The findings suggest that such broadcast shows do not automatically trigger partisan message processing and may help the audience to develop informed and balanced opinions. While the current study failed to find conclusive evidence to support the hypotheses, it also found that the perceived ideology of the information source may trigger partisan attitudes for certain types of issues. Future studies with different experiment designs are needed to investigate the issue further.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.234-256
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• 2023

This study aims to understand how people evaluate the credibility of news they use every day and how such evaluation is related to their credibility assessment of news on media overall. For this purpose, this study examines the relationship between credibility of "news I use" and credibility of news on television and news portals overall, respectively. It also explores whether the relationship is moderated by the strength of political ideology. From regression analyses of a nationwide survey of 5,010 adults in South Korea in 2021, the results showed a lower level of credibility for "news I use" than for overall news on television and portals. The results also revealed a significant relationship between the credibility of "news I use" and credibility of overall news on the two media respectively. The expected moderation effect was significant for portal news, but not for television news. Findings and implications are discussed.

• 아시아태평양코퍼스연구
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.1-20
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• 2022

As a milestone progression in China's space exploration history, Chang'e Project has attracted a lot of media attention since its first launching. This study aims to examine and compare the similarities and differences between the Chinese media and the British media in using nouns, verbs, and adjectives to report the Chang'e Project. After categorising the documents based on specific project phases, we created two diachronic corpora to explore the linguistic shifts and similarities and differences of diction employed by the Chinese and British media on the Chang'e Project ideology. This longitudinal study was performed with Lancsbox and the CLAWS web tagger through critical discourse analysis as the theoretical framework. The findings of the current study showed that the Chang'e Project coverage in both media increased on an annual basis, especially after 2019. In contrast to the objectivity and positivity in the Chinese Media, the British Media seemed to be more subjective with more appraisal adjectives in the news reports. Nonetheless, both countries were trying to be objective and formal in choosing nouns and verbs. Ideology-wise, the Chinese news media reports portrayed more positivity on domestic circumstances while the British counterpart was typically more critical. Notably, the study outcomes could catalyse future research on the Chang'e Project and facilitate diplomatic policies.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.1-13
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• 2023

Being one of the first and hardest hit countries by the coronavirus, Iran still continues to preserve its place among nations with the highest rates of infection and COVID-19 related deaths. While on the surface, such worrying status evinces the failure of the authorities in handling the crisis, at deeper levels, it points to the fundamentalist nature of the government and political system of the country. In this view, the current devastating condition in Iran is a clear indication of the all-out influence of the Islamic regime's ideologies on officials' decision-making and their political agendas throughout the pandemic. Accordingly, the staterun mainstream media, as the most preeminent institution of power, have been incessantly engaged in disseminating a series of ideology-laden information around the issues concerning the coronavirus, and in line with the developing political discourses during pandemic. Far from being based on factual accounts or scientific facts, these disseminated messages inevitably grew into a source of disinformation, ultimately resulting in overall public confusion and skepticism. Through examining the data gathered from some of the most prominent online news agencies run by the government, this study identifies five major discursive trends through which the mainstream media propagated ambiguous and manipulative information about COVID-19. These findings are then explained in the light of media system dependency theory, leading to the argument that within autocratic nation-states, public reliance on media during a national/global crisis brings about new opportunities for state exploitation, and further distressing consequences for the people.

• 커뮤니케이션학 연구
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• 제18권4호
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• pp.31-50
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• 2010

이 연구는 어린이 광고에 내재된 설득전략을 기호학적 시각에서 해독(decoding)해보고자 하는 시도이다. 현대사회에서 광고가 소비생활에 미치는 막대한 영향력을 고려할 때, 국내에서 어린이 광고에 대한 '비판적 연구(critical studies)'는 매우 부족한 것이 현실이다. 이는 많은 선진국들이 '어린이 광고'가 어린이 소비가치관 및 소비생활에 미치는 유해성이나 부정적 영향에 대하여 장기간 연구하고, 그 결과를 어린이 광고 정책과 비평의 틀로 활용하는 것과 매우 대조적인 현실이다. 이 연구는 사회적 '의사소통 도구'로서 그리고 미디어 산업의 생태학적 부분으로서 '어린이 광고'의 중요성을 인식하고, 어린이를 광고의 '수동적 수용자'로 단정하지 않고, '능동적·비판적 수용자'로서 능력을 배양하기 위한 기초자료와 비판적 담론을 구축해보는 데 그 목적이 있다. 이 연구에서는 이러한 목적을 달성하기 위하여 어린이 광고를 수집하여 '표현기법(화용적 양태)'과 광고에 내재된 설득 '소구점(appeals)'과 '전제(premises),' 소비문화적 '이데올로기(ideology)'를 분석함으로써 궁극적으로 광고주의 의도된 정교한 설득전략을 해독해 보고자 하였다. 특히 기호학적 접근을 통하여, 어린이 광고에서 소비 기호들의 화용적 체계와 의미전달 체계 그리고 그 이데올로기가 '어떻게' 생성, 유지, 강화되며, 어린이를 향한 '전략적인' 구매 설득 수단으로 이용되는가를 살펴보는데 연구의 주안점을 두었다.

• 한국멀티미디어학회논문지
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• 제21권12호
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• pp.1513-1525
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• 2018

This study examines the mechanism of how the dispositif, a dispositional concept of television, which is changing in form, Q-Sheet, is expressed as 'ideology' embedded in television. The dispositif implemented in television aims at the realization of mechanical desire through the internal disposition and makes the reality that it dazzles the public by adjusting the density of the gap and depreciates the existence of the aura itself. Instead of gaining new experience through the disposition, the public accepts the manipulated experience and falls into the illusion that it is true. In the television literacy program, the Q-sheet acts in the intervals and gaps that exist in the movement between the stacks, spreading the ideology, and the act of Channel Surfing by using the remote control is also a dispositf form of television viewing. In modern capitalist societies, television disposition are regenerating through proliferation and expansion, showing intent to dominate even art and culture through disposition, and autonomously injecting ideologies by television disposition.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.187-197
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• 2022

본 연구는 온라인 설문조사를 통해 수집된 국내 게이머를 대상으로 게임 장르, 이념의 차이가 존재하는 뉴스 미디어, 미디어 매체에 따른 게임 관련 정보 출처가 게이머 이슈 참여에 미치는 영향에 대해 위계적 회귀 분석으로 검증했다 (N= 1,362). 연구 결과 특정 장르의 게임 플레이가 게이머 이슈 참여에 긍정적인 역할을 수행했다. 진보·중도 언론에 보도된 게임 규제 찬반에 대한 집단행동은 독자들의 동원 신호(mobilization cue)로 작용하고 게이머의 사회적 행동을 독려했다. 반면, 상위 조직 및 이익 집단을 정보 출처로 활용한 보수 언론은 현실 참여 사회에 부정적인 영향을 주었다. 게임 이슈에 관한 매스 미디어의 편향된 보도 행태는 게이머가 시정 행동(corrective action)을 통해 사회적, 정치적으로 행동하는데 영향을 주었다. 본 연구는 정치 이념, 게임 장르, 미디어 이용과 사회적 참여의 관계를 실증적으로 분석한 데에 의의가 있다. 게임 규제 정책 제고와 게임 연구의 이론적, 개념적 확장의 필요성이 요구된다는 시사점을 제공한다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제39권
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• pp.140-177
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• 2007

이 연구의 목적은 소스 경쟁 과정에서 시민단체 소스가 정부 소스와 어떻게 경쟁하고 있으며, 언론보도에 어떠한 형태로 반영되는지 비교 분석해보는 것이다. 이와 함께 세부적인 영향 요인으로서 언론보도 이데올로기, 갈등 사안의 발전 단계가 어떻게 소스 간 경쟁에 영향을 미치는지 알아보았다. 설정한 연구문제에 답하기 위해 스크린쿼터를 분석의제로 삼고 언론보도, 스크린쿼터문화연대, 정부기관의 6년 3개월간 관련 문건을 내용 분석하였다. 연구 결과, 스크린쿼터와 관련한 언론보도에서 전반적으로 시민단체에 비해 정부의 중요 정의자 역할이 더 우세하다는 결론을 도출할 수 있다. 하지만 언론의 보도 이데올로기에 따라서 시민단체의 소스 역할이 증가되는 경향을 보이는 것으로 나타났으며, 스크린쿼터와 같은 사회적 논란이 많은 사건에서 시민단체의 목소리가 어느 정도 반영되고 있지만 그것이 아직 정부에 대한 소스 의존을 넘어설 정도는 아닌 것으로 드러났다. 한편 그러한 현상은 갈등이 심해질수록 뚜렷해지는 것으로 나타났다. 이는 지표 이론의 예상을 뒤엎는 것이다. 세부 속성을 통한 의존 정도를 살펴보면 '가공 현상'과 '증폭 현상' 등 소스 반영 형태의 다른 특징들이 나타나기도 했다. 이러한 결과를 바탕으로 '소스 경쟁 이론'을 향후 실증적으로 검증하기 위한 명제들을 제시했다.