• International journal of advanced smart convergence
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.153-158
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• 2019

Language and letter are represented by a combination of its signifier and signified. All symblos are commonly calling direct attention to people who are living in the physical world. However, in cyberspace, the image takes control once inhabited by the language. Cyberspace with anonymity and deoent physical nature has something with physical laws. In this space the statue transcends the imaginary realm. Ideology gives a greater connotation by giving a series of regulation to images floating in cyberspace. Even if various media have the same image, the meaning of the image changes depending on which ideology is used. The impact of this on the public is great. In this study, I discuss the ideology in cyberspace where is supposedly wide open to who visits and spreads all the thoughts without suppression and the human body. The main ideas would be who owns the ideology and what does it want to control and how the people would react to the ideology. This paper would eventually head the prototype that visualizes above ideas. Though the interactive media it will also show the subject in the real world is accept the images floating in the cyberspace without any doubts.

• 중국학논총
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• no.64
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• pp.141-156
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• 2019

After coming to power, Xi Jinping has continuously announced his political conviction, novel view of values, new thoughts and theories through the various kinds of mass media. A comprehensive understanding of these contents allows us to examine Xi Jinping's intention of building Chinese national ideology, and the process of change and settlement of his ideas. This paper aims to explore the following issues based on the Xi Jinping's statements. Chapter 2 examines the process and time-background where the ideas of Marx·Mao Zedong, and China specific ideology of Socialism become the sources of Xi Jinping's Ideology formation. Chapter 3 deals with the contents and function of the China dream which is the fundamental aim of Xi Jinping's Ideology formation. Chapter 4 focuses on the historical value of Xi Jinping's Ideology formation.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.304-326
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• 2023

News shows often deliver crosscutting information to their audiences by inviting commentators from rival political parties. If these news shows foster the formation of informed and balanced views of the audience, mass media could provide countermeasures against political polarization. To test the effect of such news shows, this study conducted an experiment with two variants of a simulated radio talk show. In the partisan scenario, the two guest commentators' affiliations suggested their ideological orientation. In the non-partisan scenario, the commentators had neutral affiliations. We divided participants into two ideology groups, liberals and conservative, and compared each group's evaluation of the commentators in the two scenarios. Two multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) tests were conducted to analyze the effect of the perceived ideology of the commentators on respondents' attitudes toward the commentators' arguments depending on their own ideological inclinations. The analyses results did not support the hypothesis that anticipated partisan attitudes towards the commentators' arguments. It was only the liberal respondents who showed statistically significant different attitudes toward commentators' arguments in each of the two scenarios. The findings suggest that such broadcast shows do not automatically trigger partisan message processing and may help the audience to develop informed and balanced opinions. While the current study failed to find conclusive evidence to support the hypotheses, it also found that the perceived ideology of the information source may trigger partisan attitudes for certain types of issues. Future studies with different experiment designs are needed to investigate the issue further.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.234-256
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• 2023

This study aims to understand how people evaluate the credibility of news they use every day and how such evaluation is related to their credibility assessment of news on media overall. For this purpose, this study examines the relationship between credibility of "news I use" and credibility of news on television and news portals overall, respectively. It also explores whether the relationship is moderated by the strength of political ideology. From regression analyses of a nationwide survey of 5,010 adults in South Korea in 2021, the results showed a lower level of credibility for "news I use" than for overall news on television and portals. The results also revealed a significant relationship between the credibility of "news I use" and credibility of overall news on the two media respectively. The expected moderation effect was significant for portal news, but not for television news. Findings and implications are discussed.

• Asia Pacific Journal of Corpus Research
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2022

As a milestone progression in China's space exploration history, Chang'e Project has attracted a lot of media attention since its first launching. This study aims to examine and compare the similarities and differences between the Chinese media and the British media in using nouns, verbs, and adjectives to report the Chang'e Project. After categorising the documents based on specific project phases, we created two diachronic corpora to explore the linguistic shifts and similarities and differences of diction employed by the Chinese and British media on the Chang'e Project ideology. This longitudinal study was performed with Lancsbox and the CLAWS web tagger through critical discourse analysis as the theoretical framework. The findings of the current study showed that the Chang'e Project coverage in both media increased on an annual basis, especially after 2019. In contrast to the objectivity and positivity in the Chinese Media, the British Media seemed to be more subjective with more appraisal adjectives in the news reports. Nonetheless, both countries were trying to be objective and formal in choosing nouns and verbs. Ideology-wise, the Chinese news media reports portrayed more positivity on domestic circumstances while the British counterpart was typically more critical. Notably, the study outcomes could catalyse future research on the Chang'e Project and facilitate diplomatic policies.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2023

Being one of the first and hardest hit countries by the coronavirus, Iran still continues to preserve its place among nations with the highest rates of infection and COVID-19 related deaths. While on the surface, such worrying status evinces the failure of the authorities in handling the crisis, at deeper levels, it points to the fundamentalist nature of the government and political system of the country. In this view, the current devastating condition in Iran is a clear indication of the all-out influence of the Islamic regime's ideologies on officials' decision-making and their political agendas throughout the pandemic. Accordingly, the staterun mainstream media, as the most preeminent institution of power, have been incessantly engaged in disseminating a series of ideology-laden information around the issues concerning the coronavirus, and in line with the developing political discourses during pandemic. Far from being based on factual accounts or scientific facts, these disseminated messages inevitably grew into a source of disinformation, ultimately resulting in overall public confusion and skepticism. Through examining the data gathered from some of the most prominent online news agencies run by the government, this study identifies five major discursive trends through which the mainstream media propagated ambiguous and manipulative information about COVID-19. These findings are then explained in the light of media system dependency theory, leading to the argument that within autocratic nation-states, public reliance on media during a national/global crisis brings about new opportunities for state exploitation, and further distressing consequences for the people.

• Korean Journal of Communication Studies
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.31-50
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• 2010

This study is designed to decode the persuasion strategies in the advertising targeted for children from a semiotic perspective. Semiotic approach to "decoding advertising text" allows us to classify advertising signs and sign systems in relation to the way they are transmitted and communicated. In this strategic process of advertising production, the producers use various "expressive techniques" and "persuasive appeals, premises, and ideology" shared by the members of the society. This study investigates Korean print media advertising for children with the following research questions: ① What types of expression techniques are employed in the print media advertising for children? ② What types of persuasive appeals(consumption values) are used in the print media advertising for children? ③ What are the persuasive premises(cultural premises) underlying those persuasive appeals? ④ What is the structure of ideology that governs those persuasive appeals and premises in the advertising for children? The study result reveals seven most frequently employed expressive techniques, ten major types of persuasive appeals and premises, and the structure of ideology governing the signs and signification systems in the advertising targeted for children.

• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.21 no.12
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• pp.1513-1525
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• 2018

This study examines the mechanism of how the dispositif, a dispositional concept of television, which is changing in form, Q-Sheet, is expressed as 'ideology' embedded in television. The dispositif implemented in television aims at the realization of mechanical desire through the internal disposition and makes the reality that it dazzles the public by adjusting the density of the gap and depreciates the existence of the aura itself. Instead of gaining new experience through the disposition, the public accepts the manipulated experience and falls into the illusion that it is true. In the television literacy program, the Q-sheet acts in the intervals and gaps that exist in the movement between the stacks, spreading the ideology, and the act of Channel Surfing by using the remote control is also a dispositf form of television viewing. In modern capitalist societies, television disposition are regenerating through proliferation and expansion, showing intent to dominate even art and culture through disposition, and autonomously injecting ideologies by television disposition.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.187-197
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• 2022

This study examined the effects of game genre, news media with differing political ideologies, and game-related information sources on gamer issue participation by performing a hierarchical regression model, using an online survey on Korean gamers (N=1,362). As a result of the study, playing specific genres of games played a positive role in gamer issue participation. The group behavior or collective action for or against game regulation reported in the liberal/moderate media acted as a mobilization cue for readers and potentially encouraged gamers to take social action. But the conservative media, which used governmental organizations and interest groups as sources of information, had a negative impact on real-life participatory behavior. The biased journalism practice of the mass media on game-related social issues influenced gamers' social and political behavior through corrective action. This study is significant in empirically analyzing the relationship between political ideology, game genre, media use, and gamers' social participation. The current research suggests the improvement of game regulation policy and the need for theoretical and conceptual expansion of game research.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.39
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• pp.140-177
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• 2007

The purposes of this study are to analyze how the media reflects the source competition between the activist group and the governmental source in the news contents. Media ideology and the conflict phase also were chosen as situational variables for evaluating how those variables could influence the source competition process. To answer the proposed research questions, the study chose the 'screen quota' issue as a research unit and analyzed documents from three sources, media news, the activist group for maintaining screen quota, and the governmental source during six years and three months. The results showed that the government source played a primary definer role in media reporting related to the screen quota issue, compared to the activist group. The governmental source's primary definer role was maintained against the highly contested social issue while the media ideology, to some degree, leveraged the activist group's comparatively unstable primary definer power. The governmental source's primary definer role was escalated as the conflict phase evolved.