• International Journal of Contents
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.24-33
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• 2015

Against the backdrop of Habermas' theory of communicative action, we empirically analyzed the level of interactivity and narratives offered in nation-states' ministry of foreign affairs Web sites. A multiple regression analysis was performed in an attempt to identify factors affecting the level of interactivity in such Web sites. Findings revealed that the level of economic development is the sole significant factor in regards to the level of interactivity. Further, self-interested, goal-directed, and strategic purposes behind the allegedly transparent, engaging, and interactive public diplomacy were evidenced through a critical analysis of the objectives, key issues, and target publics addressed and highlighted in the public diplomacy narratives on the Web. The results suggested a possible digital divide in the interactive adoption of Web public diplomacy as well as strategic motives and interests embedded in the public diplomacy communication on the Web. This study helps increase our understanding of the paradox of public diplomacy in the digital age.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.1-18
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• 2016

This study analyzed the reports of Korean and Chinese newspapers on the foundation of AIIB from the viewpoint of public diplomacy. The results showed that Chinese newspapers reported the government's statements and opinions and played as a means of conforming to the purposes of public diplomacy. Chinese newspapers employed the media paradigm of Instrumentalism among three paradigms of public diplomacy, which was due to ownership structure of the press. In the case of Korean Newspapers, they adopted paradigms of culturalism and professionalism. However, they verged to culturalism in terms of lack of discourse struggle due to few in-depth reports of the effects of national economy of AIIB.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.80-110
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• 2021

Public diplomacy (PD) scholars tend to consider two main principals: the country or agent that conducts PD (Actor A), and target groups in the host country in which PD is conducted (Actor B). The field currently lacks theories of how communications between Actors A and B can be disrupted by a third party, such as a group of motivated trolls, an organised advocacy group, or a hostile country and its agents. The purpose of this article is to outline some theoretical considerations for how the PD research field might move away from a two-actor model of PD to one in which disruption is part of the discussion. The case study explores the activities of an interest group called Media Watchdogs of Sweden (MEWAS). MEWAS was a group of around 200 members who met in a hidden Facebook group to coordinate off-platform activities aimed at influencing perceptions of how the Swedish government handled the COVID-19 pandemic in the eyes of foreign governments, researchers, decision-makers, and media. Much critical news coverage in the international press has been linked to this group. Unpacking some of MEWAS' activities, which can be considered a quite typical mixture of legitimate and illegitimate communication techniques used by activist groups, can help to shed light on some difficult questions regarding disruption in PD.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.5-35
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• 2021

Where government communication in the early 20^th century fell under the umbrella term, "propaganda," the post-WWII era saw a paradigm fracture into public affairs for domestic audiences, public diplomacy for foreign audiences, and psychological operations for hostile audiences. The continued diffusion of the Internet, however, has blurred such distinctions, mending this fractured paradigm. Based on in-depth interviews, this study typologizes government communication to contextualize how various tactics functions within the 21^st century digital media ecology, through an "Information Intervention" taxonomy. In an age where state-sponsored disinformation and computational propaganda are tantamount threats, this paper elucidates the field's fundamental concepts by articulating who communicates with what audience, in what manner, with what intent, and with what desired outcomes.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.75-116
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• 2021

This study argues that scholars lack an adequate conceptualization of the strategic use of social media framing by Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) during crises. As a theoretical starting point, this article employs the concept of soft disempowerment to suggest that MFAs may use online framing to limit an adversary's range of possible actions during a crisis by depicting that adversary as violating norms and values deemed desirable by the international community. Next, the article introduces the concept of mutually assured delegitimization (MAD), which suggests that actors may call into question one another's adherence with certain norms and values during crises, which results in the mutual depletion of soft power resources. Importantly, this article proposes a novel, methodological approach for the analysis of individual tweets during crises. To illustrate its methodological and conceptual innovations, the study analyzes tweets published by the MFAs of the United States (US) and Russia during the Crimea crisis and demonstrates that both MFAs used Twitter to negatively frame each other by calling their morals into question, which resulted in MAD.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.53-80
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• 2022

Despite an astronomical budget for public diplomacy, China is experiencing successive failures in public diplomacy. The unfavorable feeling towards China is increasing every year in the world and China needs a new public diplomacy to resolve anti-Chinese sentiment. Here, we found that viewers of Korean-Chinese student YouTuber Deemd formed a friendly image towards China after watching Deemd's China vlog. Therefore, in this study, we tried to examine whether Deemd's vlogs affect the improvement of China's country image theoretically guided by the theory of mere exposure effect. In addition, we examined whether the improvement of a country image causes the 'Halo effect' that leads to an increase in the intention to visit China and purchase intention of Chinese products. It is expected that the results of this study can serve as a new digital media diplomacy solution for countries, including China, that want to capture the hearts of foreign public in the era of a new digital public diplomacy.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.27-49
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• 2018

Public Diplomacy (PD) is the third pillar of South Korean foreign policy. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PD aims to attract foreign audiences by means of art, knowledge transmission, media, language and foreign aid. When it comes to the Korean language, its global profile has seen an especially marked increase in recent years (Kim, 2009). Thus, this paper's objective is to explain the relevance of the Korean language in the generation of South Korea's soft power. I draw from $C{\acute{e}}sar$ Villanueva's reflections in order to problematize how language promotion can be translated into soft power at five different levels: the empathetic, the sympathetic, the geopolitical, the diplomatic and the utilitarian. I observe that in the case of the Korean language in Mexico City, soft power has the potential to be generated on three levels: it helps to increase knowledge of Korean culture (empathetic); it exercises symbolic persuasion (geopolitical), since the products of cultural industries are mostly in Korean; and it is used as a tool for economic transactions in Mexico City (utilitarian).

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.86-116
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• 2011

Recently, media diplomacy takes on a substantial role in information war not only in setting global agenda but also in delivering their favored views and frames. Focusing on its crucial impact, this study attempts to investigate empirically the relationship between national prestigious media's news coverage and it's own foreign policy particularly about the 2011 Libya conflict. The total of 530 news articles in such 24 hour English news channels as BBC World, Cnn International, Russia Today, France24, Al Jazeera English and Deusche Welle were analyzed for this study. The analyses reveal that Libya coverages of those news channels are entirely constructed in the context of the foreign policy. To put it concretely, there was the undeniable level of differences in terms of quoting relevant sources, viewpoints, attitudes and frames for the pursuit of media diplomacy helped by high quality journalism. The authors argue in this regard that protecting information sovereignty should be urgently discussed even in the time of digital revolution. To launch 24-hour English news channel like 'Korea 24' would be a possible strategy for influencing global agenda and perspective in way of supporting national interests.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.219-236
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• 2011

Since the end of the $19^{th}$ century, Korean English-language newspapers have been published in Korea to inform readers about Korea and Korean people's point of view concerning world problems. Among them was the Korean Republic (KR), the former name of the Korea Herald, founded on August $15^{th}$, 1953 (Korean Liberation Day from Japanese colonial rule). This newspaper was started especially to report on international affairs, just after the Armistice agreement was signed on July $27^{th}$, 1953, at the initiative of the first president of the Republic of Korea, Syngman Rhee. He vehemently expressed his and the Korean people's opinion about Korean problems in world politics where big powers were dominating and deciding small countries' destinies. This paper is written to show that Korean English-language newspapers were used as tool of public diplomacy not only for the readers of target countries but also for Korean readers, well before the media diplomacy theory became popular several decades later. In the deplorable world situation where Korea was colonized and divided into halves by the wills of the super powers, the Korean media participated actively via dialogue in English to solve the Korean problem. This paper studies the editorials of the KR for one year, the year just after its foundation. Vis-a-vis the United States, the KR defended its political system of free democracy by insisting on the Korean people's hopes, the reunification of the peninsula and acquiring American assistance in economic and military areas. Regarding Japan, Korea had doubt about its expansionist policy by way of rearmament. First, the Korean government tried to defend its territorial waters, including Dokdo Island. As for multi-lateral relationships, Korea was concerned about the spread of communism to its territory in the world where socialism was dominating.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-19
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• 2023

Objectives: This study aims to discover how the spread of K-POP and the diversification of the Korean Wave affects Korea's national reputation. K-POP stars are diversifying their interactions with fandom by creating an online space to consume various products and services related to their stars and engage in fan activities. Because of this, this study aims to examine the relevance of K-POP to national reputation through a parasocial relationship with K-POP stars by fandom forming a community and utilizing media. Methods: An online survey was conducted in English using the Amazon survey company Mechanical Turk for BTS fans living in the United States. A total of 195 people's data, excluding incomplete responses, were used for the analysis. Results: It was found that BTS fans' social media participation activities themselves did not directly affect Korea's national reputation. But the mediating effect of BTS fans' parasocial relationship was found. That is, BTS fans' social media participation activities had a positive effect on their parasocial relationships with BTS which in turn had a positive effect on their national reputation. Conlusions: The use and participation of BTS fans in social media in Korea's national reputation has no significant effect on itself, but it has been found that it affects the national reputation through forming parasocial relationships. From the study results, the parasocial relationship of K-POP fans can be used as a strategic mechanism to enhance the national image and Korea's national reputation.