• Journal of Science of Art and Design
• /
• v.10
• /
• pp.183-218
• /
• 2006

Colors change in time corresponding with the value system and aesthetic consciousness of the time. The roles that colors play in painting can be divided into the formative role based on the contrast and harmony of color planes and the aesthetic role expressed by colors to represent the objects. The aesthetic consciousness of the orient starts with the Civility(禮) and Pleasure(樂), which is closely related with restrained or tempered human feelings. In the art world of the orient including poem, painting, and music, what are seen and felt from the objects are not represented in all. Added by the sentiment laid background, the beauty of the orient emphasizes the beauty of restraint and temperance, which has long been the essential aesthetic emotion of the orient. From the very inception of oriental painting, colors had become a symbolic system in which the five colors associated with the philosophy of Yin and Yang and Five Forces were symbolically connected with the four sacred animals of Red Peacock, Black Turtle, Blue Dragon, and White Tiger. In this color system the use of colors was not free from ideological matters, and was further constrained by the limited color production and distribution. Therefore, development in color expression seemed to have been very much limited because of the unavailability and unreadiness of various colors. Studies into the flow in oriental painting show that color expression in oriental painting have changed from symbolic color expression to poetic expression, and then to emotional color expression as the mode of painting changes in time. As oriental painting transformed from the art of religious or ceremonial purpose to one of appreciation, the mast visible change in color expression is the one of realism(simulation). Rooted on the naturalistic color expression of the orient where the fundamental properties of objects were considered mast critical, this realistic color expression depicts the genuine color properties that the objects posses, with many examples in the Flower & Bird Painting prior to the North Sung dynasty. This realistic expression of colors changed as poetic sentiments were fused with painting in later years of the North Sung dynasty, in which a conversion to light ink and light coloring in the use of ink and colors was witnessed, and subjective emotion was intervened and represented. This mode of color expression had established as free and creative coloring with vivid expression of individuality. The fusion of coloring and lyricism was borrowed from the trend in painting after the North Sung dynasty which was mentioned earlier, and from the trend in which painting was fused with poetic sentiments to express the emotion of artists, accompanied with such features as light coloring and compositional change. Here, the lyricism refers to the artist's subjective perspective of the world and expression of it in refined words with certain rhythm, the essence of which is the integration of the artist's ego and the world. The poetic ego projects the emotion and sentiment toward the external objects or assimilates them in order to express the emotion and sentiment of one's own ego in depth and most efficiently. This is closely related with the rationale behind the long-standing tradition of continuous representation of same objects in oriental painting from ancient times to contemporary days. According to the thoughts of the orient, nature was not just an object of expression, but recognized as a personified body, to which the artist projects his or her emotions. The result is the rebirth of meaning in painting, completely different from what the same objects previously represented. This process helps achieve the integration and unity between the objects and the ego. Therefore, this paper discussed the lyrical expression of colors in the works of the author, drawing upon the poetic expression method reflected in the traditional Flower and Bird Painting, one of the painting modes mainly depending on color expression. Based on the related discussion and analysis, it was possible to identify the deep thoughts and the distinctive expression methods of the orient and to address the significance to prioritize the issue of transmission and development of these precious traditions, which will constitute the main identity of the author's future work.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.347-377
• /
• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• The Journal of Internal Korean Medicine
• /
• v.31 no.1
• /
• pp.1-10
• /
• 2010

Objectives : It is necessary that the international classification of diseases (ICD) be examined in order to comprise the third revision of the Korean Classification of Disease on Oriental Medicine (KCD-OM) and disease classification in the oriental internal medicine field. It is essential that the selection, classification and definition of disease and pattern names of oriental concepts in internal medicine be clear. Since 2008, the fifth revision of the Korean Classification of Disease (KCD-5) has been used in Korea. It was required to use the reference classification from the Oriental medicine area based on the ICD-10. Methods : In this review, the necessity for, meaning of and content of the third revision are briefly described. The ICD system was reviewed and KCD-OM was reconstructed. How diagnosis in the oriental internal medicine area had changed is discussed. Review and Results : In 1973, the disease classification of oriental medicine was established the basis on the contents of Dongeuibogam. It was irrespective of the ICD. As to the classification system in the Oriental internal medicine field, systemic disease was comprised of wind, cold, warm, wet, dryness, heat, spirit, ki, blood, phlegm and retained fluid, consumptive disease, etc. Diseases of internal medicine comprised a system according to the five viscera and the six internal organs and followed the classification system of Dongeuibogam. The first and second revisions were of the classification system based on the curriculum in 1979 and 1995. In 1979, in the first revision, geriatric disease and idiopathic types of disease were deleted, and skin disease was included among surgery diseases. This classification was expanded to 792 small classification items and 1,535 detailed classification items to the dozen disease classes. In 1995, in the second revision, it was adjusted to 644 small classes and 1,784 detailed classification items in the dozen disease classes. KCD-OM3 did KCD from this basis. It added and comprised the oriental medical doctor's concept names of diseases considering the special conditions in Korea. KCD-OM3 examined the KCD-OMsecond revised edition (1994). It improved the duplex classification, improper classifications, etc. It is difficult for us to separate the disease names and pattern names in oriental medicine. We added to the U code and made one classification system. By considering the special conditions in Korea, 169 codes (83 disease name codes, 86 pattern name codes) became the pre-existence classification and links among 306 U codes of KCD-OM3. 137 codes were newly added in the third revision. U code added 3 domains. These are composed of the disease name (U20-U33, 97 codes), the disease pattern name (U50-U79, 191 codes) and the constitution pattern name of each disease (U95-U98, 18 codes). Conclusion : The introduction of KCD-OM3 conforms to the diagnostic system by which oriental medical doctors examine classes used with the basic structure of the reference classification of WHO and raises the clinical study and academic activity of the Korean oriental medicine and makes the production of all kinds of nation statistical indices possible. The introduction of KCD-OM3 promotes the diagnostic system by which doctors of Oriental medicine examine classes using the association with KCD-5. It will raise the smoothness and efficiency of oriental medical treatment payments in the health insurance, automobile insurance, industrial accident compensation insurance, etc. In addition, internationally, the eleventh revision work of the ICD has been initiated. It needs to consider incorporating into the International Classification of Diseases some of every country's traditional medicine.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.45 no.1
• /
• pp.16-33
• /
• 2012

Maehwa blossom(梅花) has been favoured in literary and artistic works in the East Asia as one of representing symbols of virtuous men's character. Maehwaseookdo(梅花書屋圖) is one of major forms of painting. This paper starts from the birth of Maehwaseookdo since it aims to examine the following points: its structural origin of the Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) style; how this style was distributed in Korea; process and features of Maegamdo(梅龕圖). The current academic world admits Maehwaseookdo is originated from an ancient story of Lim Po(林逋). Even though Maehwaseookdo and Lim Po story can be linked to a meaning of schoarly hermitage, ways to structure works are hard to compare paintings based on Lim Po story. While paintings related to Limpo story such as Banghakdo(放鶴圖) and Gwanmaedo(觀梅圖) depict a scholar(s) and a few Maehwa trees with cranes, Maehwaseookdo presents scholarly hermitage with a lot of Maehwa trees which encircle a house building. As other paintings related to Maehwa blossom were widely painted since the nationwide popularity of the theme of Maehwa, Maehwaseookdo was not drown throughout the whole period of time. Since Goryeo, Maehwa paintings including Sehansamu(歲寒三友), ordinary Maehwado as one of the Four Gentlemen's plants, and Tammaedo(探梅圖) which was based on ancient anecdote of Maeng Hoyeon. Maehwaseookdo, however, was created exclusively in the 19th century. In China a similar feature took place much earlier period which was in the 17th century. Accordingly we can assume that these patterns which paintings in particular styles were generated by particular cultural phenomena. The reason why Joseon's Maehwaseookdo works were painted exclusively in the 19th century was that Kim Jeonghee's party and Sin wi had acquaintanceship with Jang Sim(張深) who got work orders for Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁). In these corresponding activities, two types of Maehwa paintings were exchanged. In China, scholars usually drew paintings in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) depicting scenic views of Guriju(九里洲) which was riverside area under the Mt. Buchun(富春山). This place surrounded by thousands and hundreds of Maehwa trees was where Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁) was about to retire to hermitage in. In this repect, Joseon scholars painted Maegamdo(梅龕圖) depicting a scene of a shrine with Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁)'s poetry books surrounded by Maehwa trees for paying tribute to the wall of Maehwa trees(Maebyeok(梅癖)). This seems to adapt the format of 'Manmae(萬梅)' which appeared in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado. One of the representing works of this, is painted or supervised by Sinwi. Paintings in two types with respective meanings were combined by which was estimated to be painted by Sin Wi, then it became a structural base of by Jang Sim(張深) This type of Maegamdo brought the popularity of Maewhoseookdo which once had another name of 'Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖)' by a group of scholars such as Jo Heeyong, in the 19th century. All things considered, this paper can be a sort of precedent phrase to find out the birth of Manmaeseookdo which was very popular in the late 19th century.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.25_1
• /
• pp.121-155
• /
• 2015

The purpose of this article is to study on the comparative relationship between mutual cooperation of the Dae-soon thought of Dae-soon jinrihoe and Shinnyo thought of Shinjo Ito. Dae-soon thought focuses on outspreading virtues and enlightenment teaching based on the saying of Jeong-san Sang Jae's Mutual cooperation without any grudge. According to the Buddha's nature thought of Shinjo Ito, 'Dharma kāya resident' is the source of touching upon buddhahood. The Shinyo-en is an outward manifestation of their deep resolve to help others by cultivating spiritual faculty and mind session. First, we can find the virtue action theory in the mutual cooperation of Dae-soon thought and the virtue nature theory in the Shinnyo thought of Shinjo Ito. From the perspective of comparative relationship, it was Jeong-san Sang Jae who laid foundation for the Posterior Grand Renewal. His idea is that the universe should be completed through the mutual communication between the earth and men following the Posterior Grand Renewal. It was Kyodoin-sama who laid the foundation for identifying the place Shinchoji was established. It was at the time that the power we call bakku-daiju as transversality and Shinnyo spiritual faculty were perfected through Shindoin-sama's passing. Second, based on Jeon-kyungn or Dae-soon Ji Chim, outspreading virtue is to awaken mutual cooperation without any grudge and the enlightenment teaching to practice according to mutual cooperation principle without any deceit toward one's own self. No deceit toward one's own self is to be sincere, to be respectful and to be faithful in Jeong-san Sang Jae. In the different context of Mahayana Buddhism, we can be aware that the immortal resident immortal of Dharma kāya is the source of permanent bliss in the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra' From the perspective of comparative relationship to pray toward Jeong-san Sang Jae and to participate in the Posterior Grand Renewal is to take part in Cheonji-Gongsa. It is a similar phenomena to be reflected suchness reality before the three personifications of buddhahood and the Shinnyo Stupa is the same meaning as meeting the ever present Buddha. Both of them, they focus to find religious altruism from real possibilities of mutual support. They argue that to dispense with altruism is to dispense with Sang Jae or Dharma for the divine transformation of human possibilities Third, Everybody possesses unique and wonderful abilities to be unified with Jeong-san Sang Jae. If we seek happiness by trying to get by without making much of an effort to take part in CheonjiGongsa, it will be difficult to attain the harmony and peace of mankind with outspreading virtues and enlightenment teaching. In the 'Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra' tells us 'all sentient beings have Buddha nature' that could be the possibility to the fulfillment of buddhahood in the spiritual practice. From the comparative relationship, we can strive with open hearts and minds, in efforts that benefit others, and in ways we can work together to build a word of joy in which everyone can have an opportunity to cultivate spiritual faculty. This is based on mutually beneficial voluntary focused our principles into practice the spirit to build a mind session of Shinnyo as the civic clean precepts of 'Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra'. Fourth, the disciples of Jeong-san Sang Jae are encouraged to acquire the Mutual cooperation manner of being considerate. It is important to accumulate virtue action by daily effort. It is the contrast to awaken virtue nature by daily practice. The Buddha's nature thought of Shinjo Ito is based on the thought of Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra. It can be supported by the Shinnyo parents and the two Dojis to build a world of joy as the light dharma descending and the emphasis of Tathatā spiritual faculty. It's not that we can't do something we haven't attained a higher spiritual level. What counts is our continuos effort, act so we can cultivate our spiritual faculty through the way of mind session.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Floral Art and Design
• /
• no.45
• /
• pp.77-95
• /
• 2021

This study considers the problem of reality that our floral art has to overcome as a loss of the floral art spirit caused by the expansion of Western-centered formalism flower culture, and considers the discussion on the deformality of distancing and the free spirit of nomadism. The floral art, which works on the creator's aesthetic mental world through flowers, is an art of mental image that values the free mental world of the creator. It also refers to the importance of artist consciousness as an art of self-imago that makes the target world beyond the "expression of similarity" that reproduces the target world. In this context, the lack of concern about the identity of Korean floral art appears to be the creative training and work of Korean floral artists who are biased toward Western expression techniques and creative methods. It also expresses a problem with our cultural consciousness, which is dominated by the Western flower culture of flower design. Here, we are obliged to understand the reality of Korean floral art biased by Western flower design and to organize discussions to solve the problem. Therefore, this study examines the problems that our floral art has to overcome as part of seeking the identity of Korean floral art and enhancing the cultural value of Korean floral art through criticism of Western cultural acceptance. This is a historical consideration of the nature of Korean floral art to recover, while also a process of identifying the meaning of the free creative spirit that the artist should maintain as an aesthetic art. Furthermore, such criticism of the Korean floral art culture and discussion of introspection are expected to serve as an opportunity to further expand the academic discourse system for the floral art while embodying the "identity" of Korean floral art.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.23
• /
• pp.241-292
• /
• 2014

This article as an attempt to analyze Jin-beop-joo(眞法呪, incantation of true law) and the view of Yang-wui Sangje(兩位上帝, Sangje in two Godship) corresponds to the second preliminary work prior to the research on the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. The points of this article are as follows: First, Jin-beop-joo and 15 Godship(神位) based hereupon are one of the most essential elements comprising the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. Since the other Jeungsan line religious orders except Daesoonjinrihoe does not use 15 Godship in explaining and understanding Jeungsan, this fact should be regarded as an important characteristic of Daesoonjinrihoe. Second, 15 Godship is the important installation to assemble Sangje and the other gods in the same place. In Buddhism temples and China-Taoism temples, the gods each are placed in a separate palace. Whereas Sangje and the gods are concentrated in the same place, Yound-Dae(靈臺) which is the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe. This fact shows Sangje takes the reins to the gods visually. 15 Godship facilitates that system. Third, the number 15 of 15 Godship symbolizes the natural laws of the cosmos. Thus the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe implies the law of universe emblematically. Forth, 15 Godship shows that the Highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe are located in the middle of the functional gods ruling over nature like mountain, sea, season, the Great Dipper, and Taoistic or Buddhistic gods like Ok-hwang Sangje(玉皇上帝, The Great Jade Emperor), Seoga-Yeorae(釋迦如來, Tathāgata Buddha), Kwan-seong-Jegoon(關聖帝君, Holy god Guan Yu), along with various envoys and ancestral gods. Besides, considering the fact that the majority of 15 Godship consists of the Eastern deities, it verifies the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe is built in the Eastern religions. Fifth, whereas the other Jeungsan line religious orders have a tendency of understanding Jeungsan as Ok-hwang Sangje, Daesoonjinrihoe worships Jeungsan as Gu-cheon Sangje(九天上帝), not as Ok-hwang Sangje. This accords with the following fact; Jeungsan is the highest ruling entity in Gu-cheon, whereas in Jinbeonju, which was handed down from Jeungsan, the highest ruling entitiy in Gu-cheon is expressed as a different being from Ok-hwang Sangje. Sixth, Daesoonjinrihoe understands Sangje as the form of two Godship, Yang-wui Sangje, which are Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje. Judging from the form of salutation, the status of these two Sangjes are the same. Yet, the object of belief is Gu-cheon Sangje as the highest God, while Ok-hwang Sangje is stipulated as the one who has wielded a true law succeeding to the Gu-cheon Sangje's will. The religious term of Yang-wui Sangje don't imply meaning Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje are the same rank. Yang-wui Sangje is the term expresses Sangje in two Godship and involves the orthodox heritage of Daesoonjinrihoe. Along with An Introduction to the Study of the Outlook on the Highest Ruling Entity in Daesoonjinrihoe (I), this article is written, while giving a thought to construct the religiography on the highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe. I hope this article accompanied with the previous one, can be contributed to the fertilization of the soil in the field of Daesoon religious studies.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.21 no.4
• /
• pp.41-60
• /
• 2008

The acupuncture and moxibustion documentary characteristics of the "Dong-insuhyeolchimgudogyeong(銅人腧穴鍼灸圖經)" can be summarized into 5 parts such as the following. 1. The Index of Books lists the author of "Dong-indogyeong" as 'Wang-yuil(王惟一)' in some and 'Wang-yudeok(王惟德)' in others. Of these 'Wang-yudeok' is the name in the printed book and 'Yuil(惟一)' was the name it was changed into in order to make it different from the emperor Jinjong(眞宗) of the Song dynasty. Also, the sequence differs greatly among the original editions and sometimes even conflicts within itself, which makes very likely the possibility that the author of this book is not just one person, and that Wangyuil is just the main editor or screener. 2. The original printed edition of the Song(宋) dynasty has 3 volumes and the Cheonsoeng Seokgak(天聖 石刻) of the Song dynasty also has 3 volumes, but 'Hyeolsudosu(穴腧都數)', 'Sumyeongdanggyeolsik(修明堂訣式)', and 'Pichimgugyeol(避鍼灸訣)' were added to the 3rd volume. Of these three 'Pichimgugyeol(避鍼灸訣)' explains the 'Chimgupigijido(鍼灸避忌之圖)' of the 2nd volume in writing, 'Sumyeongdanggyeolsik(修明堂訣式)' explains the three human drawings from the front, side and lying down views in writing and was used to make bronze figures. 'Hyeolsudosu(穴腧都數)' was possibly used to draw acupuncture points when making bronze figures. During the Daejeong(大定) era of the Keum(金) dynasty Jinssi(陳氏) from the Pyeongsuseobang(平水書坊) revised this book and carved it into 5 volumes, and of those the 1st and 2nd volumes have characters that are very different from those of the rubbed copy of the stone carvings[石刻 拓本] from the Myeong(明) dynasty, which shows that it was taken from another book and not from the original text. The 3rd volume has added content from the stone carvings about accupuncture and moxibustion contraindication(鍼灸禁忌). During the Myeong dynasty the 3 volumes of the "Dong-indogyeong(銅人圖經)" were carved on wood based on the Jungtong Sukgan(正統 石刻), and there were many reprints with the contents that are almost all the same, but the order of the original edition were not all the same. When analyzed from many angles, the original printed copy was carved after the Jungtong(正統) of the Myung dynasty. 3. The content on transport points[輸血] in "Dong-indogyeong(銅人圖經)" comes mostly from books like "Oedae(外臺)" 'Myeongdang(明堂)', "Taepyeongseonghyebang(太平聖惠方)" 'Chimgyeong(鍼經)', "Yeongchugyeong(靈樞經)", Wangbing(王冰)'s annotation of "Somun(素問)", "Cheon-geumyobang(千金要方)" 'Chimgu(鍼灸)', and does not have much new content added by Wang-yuil(王惟一). However when Wang quotes past documents, little is summarized, some are edited and most do not have their origin indicated(the titles of other books quoted in the book are to give some supplementary explanation or are copied from another book). 4. There are many mistakes Wangyuil made in using documents and doing historical research and they can be seen in two fields. One is that he did not fix the errors of past documents, and the other is that he did not know the sequence of past documents or did not understand the meaning of the text. 5. The content Wangyuil newly added can mostly be seen in the few annotations and aneo(按語) under the original 'Geumbu(今附)'('Sinbu(新附)'). In order to see Wang's scholarly ideas and achievements we must rely on this part and the meridian entry of the transport points[輸血歸經] in the first part of the book. However we must not give credit to Wang for work that was done by former generations.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
• /
• v.30 no.4
• /
• pp.484-492
• /
• 1996

To detect ischemic tissue in experimental model of cerebral ischemia made by middle cerebral artery(MCA)-occlusion, we acquired triple image of $^{99m}Tc$-glucarate, [$^{18}F$]fluoro-deoxyglucose (FDG), and 2,3,5- triphenyltetrazolium (TTC) staining. We made cerebral infarction either with reperfusion (after occlusion of 2 hours) or without reperfusion in 10 Sprague-Dawley rats by inserting thread to MCA through internal carotid artery. After 22 hours, we injected 740 MBq of $^{99m}Tc$-glucarate and 55.5 MBq of [$^{18}F$]FDG through tail vein. Each 1 mm slice of rat brains was frozen and exposed to imaging plate for 20 minutes in freezer to get an [$^{18}F$]FDG image. After 20 hours enough to fade radioactivity of [$^{18}F$]FDG, the slices were again imaged by BAS1500 for $^{99m}Tc$-glucarate uptake. Finally, these brain tissues were stained with TTC. Semi-quantitative visual analysis was done by grading 0 to 3 points according to the degree of uptakes($^{99m}Tc$-glucarate) and decreased uptakes([$^{18}F$]FDG and TTC). Ten rats survived with neurologic symptoms. TTC staining confirmed the development of infarction. The size of the infarction was relatively larger in the group without reperfusion. [$^{18}F$]FDG images were similar to TTC-stained images. However, we found regions with intermediate uptake which were not stained with TTC. We found regions with intermediate [$^{18}F$]FDG uptake where TTC staining was normal. $^{99m}Tc$-glucarate uptake was round only in TTC non-stained region. In the TTC stained regions, there were no uptake of $^{99m}Tc$-glucarate. We could not find clear relation between $^{99m}Tc$-glucarate uptake with [$^{18}F$]FDG uptake. This was partly because percent uptake of $^{99m}Tc$-glucarate was so small (less than 1 percent of injected dose) and because there were quite heterogeneity of patterns of [$^{18}F$]FDG uptake and TTC. With these findings, we could conclude that $^{99m}Tc$-glucarate were taken up only in part of ischemic tissues which were proven to be nonviable. The establishment of MCA-occluded rat model with or without reperfusion and triple imaging for $^{99m}Tc,\;^{18}F$ and TTC helped the characterization of $^{99m}Tc$-glucarate uptakes. Further work is needed to clarify the meaning or diversities or [$^{18}F$]FDG and TTC and their relation with $^{99m}Tc$-glucarate.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.39
• /
• pp.215-247
• /
• 2021

In Buddhism, there are specific terms related to miracles and miraculous acts such as the Sanskrit term, abhijñā, which was translated as into Chinese characters as shintong (神通). This term implies the six supranormal powers. It originally meant 'direct knowledge,' 'high knowledge,' or 'knowledge beyond the common senses,' which was understood as a superhuman and transcendental ability possessed by Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and noblemen. However, this took on different meanings and morphed into different terms later in India and China. This article analyzes the subject, object, type, and purpose of these shintong, focusing on the Sutra for the Householder Kaivarti (堅固經, Gyeonggo-gyeong, Kaivarti-sūtra) from the Longer Discourses (長阿含經, Jang-Ahamgyeong, Dīrghâgama) and exemplary Buddhist texts such as the Sanskrit, In Praise of the Acts of the Buddha (佛所行讚, Bulsohaengchan, Buddhacaritam) and the Chinese Records of Eminent Monks (高僧傳, goseungjeon) and Continued Records of Eminent Monks (續高僧傳, Sok-goseungjeon). The historical evolution and changes to the meaning of Shintong in Indian and Chinese contexts can be observed through these texts. In the Sutra for the Householder Kaivarti, the Buddha said that there are three kinds of Shintong: supranormal footedness (神足, shinjok, ṛddhi-pāda), mindreading (觀察他心, gwanchaltashim, anya-mano-jñāna), and education (敎誡, gyogye, anuśāsana). Among them, supranormal footedness (multiplying one's body, teleportation, flying, walking on water, etc.) and mindreading were denied because, at that time, claims of this nature were used to appeal to people's emotions and inspire sincerity, but this was of no use in conveying the Buddha's teaching. On the other hand, education, acquired only with through enlightenment, was sanctioned as a shintong unique to Buddhism. However, in In Praise of the Acts of the Buddha, supranormal footedness and mindreading were described as important ways to lead people to enlightenment, while education pertained to the whole of spiritual work. In China, Buddhism was a foreign religion at first, and it urgently sought to be accepted. After the increase of its religious influence, introspection on discipline and practice was meant to firmly deepen its roots. In line with this, shintong and miracles were transformed and expanded to suit the Chinese cultural context. Such changes in Buddhist history are well illustrated by the shini (神異, miraculous powers) described in Records of Eminent Monks and the gamtong (感通, penetration of sensitivity) detailed in Continued Records of Eminent Monks. In Records of Eminent Monks, the subject of shini was that of eminent monks and its objects were those who did not know of Buddhism or believe in it. In Continued Records of Eminent Monks, however, the monks themselves could be objects of shini. The change of object suggests that the purpose had shifted from edification to awareness and self-reflection. Shini focused on edification, whereas gamtong re-emphasized the importance of the pure discipline and practice of monks during the 6^th and 7^th centuries when China became predominantly Buddhist.