• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.1-27
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• 2009

This paper examines the (a)symmetries in the realization of focused subjects and objects in Korean. Through rating experiments, we demonstrate that native speakers' judgments of acceptability of sentences containing case-marked or case-ellipsed subjects and objects are sensitive to the contrastiveness strength and the discourse accessibility of focused arguments. However, our experiments also show that focused subjects exhibit stronger preference for explicit case marking over case ellipsis and that contrastiveness strength and discourse accessibility have weaker influence on the case marking and ellipsis of focused subjects compared to focused objects. We propose an account of variable case marking that is capable of subsuming both the similarities and differences between focused subjects and objects under the universal theory of markedness. In particular, it is shown that the similarities between focused subjects and objects are predicted by the proposed account based on the contrastiveness strength and the discourse accessibility of focused arguments and that the differences between focused subjects and objects follow naturally from the relative markedness of focus as subjects.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.176-181
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• 1996

This paper investigates patterns of manner assimilation in Toba Batak, Sanskrit, Ponapean and Korean. Based on cross-linguistic patterns of manner assimilation, I develop the constraint, Syllable Contact (SyllCon), as a type of a markedness constraint in Correspondence Theory. With the establishment of high-ranking SyllCon, I argue that several patterns of manner assimilation result from the interaction of high-ranking SyllCon and correspondence constraints such as Ident[sonorant].

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.117-122
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• 1996

This paper proposes a derivational account of tensing and neutralization of obstruents in Korean within the theory of Government Phonology (GP) (Kaye, Lowenstamm and Vergnaud 1990, henceforth KLV; Park 1996). We begin by outling the relevant tensing and neutralization data in Korean. We point out several problems that need to be addressed in any account of these data. We then set out the central notions of GP, pointing out how adherence to the requirement that government relations remain constant throughout a derivation under the Projection Principle prevents a GP account of tensing and neutralization in Korean, which requires government relations to switch between lexical and phonetic representations. To address this problem, we propose abandoning the Projection Principle, extending lexical representations in GP along the lines of the Markedness Theory approach (Michaels 1989), and adopting the economy principles for derivation of the Minimalist approach (Chomsky 1993; Chomsky & Lasnik 1991). finally, we summarize the analysis of obstruent phenomena in Korean within GP extended in these ways.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.137-143
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• 2019

This paper focuses on the analysis of the Chinese transliterations of English place names in the Optimality Theory (OT) [1]. Three groups of monosyllabic, disyllabic and multisyllabic English place names are analyzed to represent the hierarchical ranking of both Markedness and Faithfulness constraints in terms of sound epenthesis, which is one of the most important repair strategies named the Preservation Principle [2] devised to "preserve" every source segment (or sound) of the target place names. By doing so, this paper tries to answer the question of why sound epenthesis takes place in transliterating words between languages. With the help of the established ranking of the relevant constraints, this paper explains the process of sound epenthesis formally.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제6권12호
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• pp.186-191
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• 2006

기존의 유표성 이론에 따르면 마찰음이 파열음보다 유표적이므로 발음하기 어렵다는 것은 잘 알려진 사실이다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 한국 EFL 학습자들이 발음하기 어려운 마찰 [f, v]를 어떻게 인지하는지 살펴보기 위해서 영어 순자음 [p, b, f, v]를 판별하는 실험을 기획하였다. 40명의 한국 학생들이 영어 순자음이 들어간 임시어를 인지하는 테스트를 실행한 결과, 순자음의 운율적 위치가 인지 정확도를 결정짓는데 영향을 마침을 발견하였다. 특히 유표성 이론의 예상과 달리, 무성 마찰음 [f]의 정확도가 강세 뒤 모음사이의 위치를 제외한 모든 위치에서 높게 나왔다. 영어 순자음의 평균 인지 정확도는 강세 앞 모음사이 위치와 어두 초성에서 높은 반면에 어말 종성과 강세 뒤 모음사이 위치에서는 낮았다. 한국 학생들의 영어 순자음 인지에는 유표성 이론뿐 만 아니라 음향학적 두드러짐과 강세를 포함하는 청각적인 요소도 작용함을 보여주고 있다.

• 영어어문교육
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• 제1호
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• pp.21-42
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• 1995

The purpose of this study is to point out that the segment-based study on child phonological acquisition is not sufficient in accounting for the ever-changing dynamic development of child phonology and to attempt to explain child phonology in terms of syllable-based theory of phonology, one of various types of non -linear phonology which have been studied since the late 1970's. According to Gruber's observation. it is obvious that children perceive their own concept of syllable even at the early stage of babbling. In addition, the statistical data show that the CV-type syllable is most frequently used in child phonology. These evidences seem to suffice to conclude that the CV-type syllable is the most unmarked of all four core syllable types in the sense of Clements & Keyser(1983). Starting with this observation, it is further argued that in child phonology the markedness of syllable types increases in the order of CV, CVC, VC and V.

• 한국콘텐츠학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국콘텐츠학회 2006년도 추계 종합학술대회 논문집
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• pp.788-791
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• 2006

기존의 유표성 이론에 따르면, 마찰음이 파열음보다 유표적이므로 발음하기 어렵다는 것은 잘 알려진 사실이다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 한국 EFL 학습자들이 발음하기 어려운 마찰음 [f, v]를 어떻게 인지하는지 살펴보기 위해서 영어 순자음 [p, b, f, v]를 판별하는 실험을 기획하였다. 40명의 한국 학생들이 영어 순자음이 들어간 임시어를 인지하는 테스트를 실행한 결과, 순자음의 운율적 위치가 인지 정확도를 결정짓는데 영향을 미침을 발견하였고 특히 유표성 이론의 예상과 달리 무성 마찰음[f]의 정확도가 비강세 모음사이의 위치를 제외한 모든 위치에서 높게 나왔다. 영어 순자음의 평균인지 정확도는 강세 모음사이와 어두 초성에서 높은 반면에 어말 종성과 비강세 모음사이에서는 낮았다.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.109-116
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• 1996

In this paper, I would like to explore the possibility that the nature of place assimilation can be captured in terms of the OCP within the Optimality Theory (Mccarthy & Prince 1999. 1995; Prince & Smolensky 1993). In derivational models, each assimilatory process would be expressed through a different autosegmental rule. However, what any such model misses is a clear generalization that all of those processes have the effect of avoiding a configuration in which two consonantal place nodes are adjacent across a syllable boundary, as illustrated in (1):(equation omitted) In a derivational model, it is a coincidence that across languages there are changes that have the result of modifying a structure of the form (1a) into the other structure that does not have adjacent consonantal place nodes (1b). OT allows us to express this effect through a constraint given in (2) that forbids adjacent place nodes: (2) OCP(PL): Adjacent place nodes are prohibited. At this point, then, a question arises as to how consonantal and vocalic place nodes are formally distinguished in the output for the purpose of applying the OCP(PL). Besides, the OCP(PL) would affect equally complex onsets and codas as well as coda-onset clusters in languages that have them such as English. To remedy this problem, following Mccarthy (1994), I assume that the canonical markedness constraint is a prohibition defined over no more than two segments, $\alpha$ and $\beta$: that is, $^{*}\{{\alpha, {\;}{\beta{\}$ with appropriate conditions imposed on $\alpha$ and $\beta$. I propose the OCP(PL) again in the following format (3) OCP(PL) (table omitted) $\alpha$ and $\beta$ are the target and the trigger of place assimilation, respectively. The '*' is a reminder that, in this format, constraints specify negative targets or prohibited configurations. Any structure matching the specifications is in violation of this constraint. Now, in correspondence terms, the meaning of the OCP(PL) is this: the constraint is violated if a consonantal place $\alpha$ is immediately followed by a consonantal place $\bebt$ in surface. One advantage of this format is that the OCP(PL) would also be invoked in dealing with place assimilation within complex coda (e.g., sink [si(equation omitted)k]): we can make the constraint scan the consonantal clusters only, excluding any intervening vowels. Finally, the onset clusters typically do not undergo place assimilation. I propose that the onsets be protected by certain constraint which ensures that the coda, not the onset loses the place feature.