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Results of Radiotherapy in Nasopharyngeal Cancer (비인두암의 방사선치료 결과)

  • Shin Byung Chul;Ma Sun Young;Moon Chang Woo;Yum Ha Yong;Jeung Tae Sig;Yoo Myung Jin
    • Radiation Oncology Journal
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    • v.13 no.3
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    • pp.215-223
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    • 1995
  • Purpose : The aim of this study was to assess the effectiveness, survival rate and complication of radiation in nasopharyngeal cancer. Materials and Methods : From January 1980 to May 1989. Fifty patients who had nasopharyngeal carcinoma treated with curative radiation therapy at Kosin Medical Center were retrospectively studied. Thirty seven patients($74{\%}$) were treated with radiation therapy alone(Group I) and 13 patients ($26{\%}$) treated with combination of chemotherapy and radiation (Group II). Age distribution was 16-75 years(median : 45.8 years). In histologic type, squamous cell carcinoma was in 30 patients($60{\%}$), undifferentiated carcinoma in 17 patients($34{\%}$), and lymphoepithelioma in 3 patients($6{\%}$). According t AJCC staging system. 4 patients($8{\%}$) were in $T_1$, 13 patients($26{\%}$) in $T_2$. 20 patients($40{\%}$) in $T_3$, 13 patients($26{\%}$) in $T_4$ and 7 patients($14{\%}$) in $N_0$, 6 patients($12{\%}$) $N_1$, 23 patients($46{\%}$) in $N_2$, 14 patients($28{\%}$) in $N_3$. Total radiation dose ranges were 5250-9200cGy(median : 7355 cGy) in Group I and 5360-8400cGy(median : 6758cGy) in Group II Radiotherapy on 4-6MV linear accelerator and/or 6-12MeV electron in boost radiation was given with conventional technique to 26 patients($52{\%}$), with hyperfractionation(115-120cGy/fr., 2times/day) to 16 patients($32{\%}$), with accelerated fractionation(160cGy/fr., 2 times/day) to 8 patients($16{\%}$). In chemotherapy, 5 FU 1000mg daily for 5 consecutive days, pepleomycin 10mg on days 1 and 3, and cisplatin 100mg on day 1 were administered with 3weeks interval, total 1 to 3 cycles(average 1.8cycles) prior to radiation therapy. Follow up duration was 6-140 months(mean : 58 months). Statistics was calculated with Chi-square and Fisher's exact test. Results : Complete local control rates in Group I and II were $75.7{\%},\;69.2{\%} Overall 5 year survival rates in Group I and II were $56.8{\%},\;30.8{\%}$. Five year survival rates by histologic type in Group I and II were $52.2{\%},\;14.3{\%}$ is squamous cell carcinoma and $54.5{\%},\;50{\%}$ in undifferentiated carcinoma. Survival rates in Group I were superior to those of Group II though there were not statistically significant. In both group, survival rates seem to be increased according to increasing total dose of radiation up to 7500cGy, but not increased beyond it. There were not statistically significant differences in survival rates by age, stage, and radiation techniques in both group. Twenty four patients($48{\%}$) experienced treatment failures. Complications were found in 12 patients($24{\%}$). The most common one was osteomyelitis(4 patients, $33.3{\%}$) involving mandible (3 patients) and maxilla(1 patient). Conclusion : Chemotherapy in combination with radiotherapy was found to be not effective to nasopharyngeal cancer and the survival rate was also inferior to that of radiation alone group though it was statistically not significant due to small population in chemotherapy combined group.

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Results of Radiation Therapy in Stage III Uterine Cervical Cancer (병기 III 자궁경부암의 방사선치료 결과)

  • Moon, Chang-Woo;Shin, Byung-Chul;Yum, Ha-Yong;Jeung, Tae-Sig;Yoo, Myung-Jin
    • Radiation Oncology Journal
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    • v.13 no.3
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    • pp.259-266
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    • 1995
  • Purpose : The aim of this study is to analyze the survival rate, treatment failure and complication of radiation therapy alone in stage III uterine cervical cancer. Materials and Methods : From January 1980 through December 1985, 227 patients with stage III uterine cervical cancer treated with radiation therapy at Kosin Medical Center were retrospectively studied. Among 227 patients, 72 patients($317{\%}$) were stage IIIa, and 155 patients($68.3{\%}$) were stage IIIb according to FIGO classification. Age distribution was 32-71 years (median: 62 years). Sixty nine patients($95.8{\%}$) in stage IIIa and 150 patient ($96.8{\%}$) in stage IIIb were squamous cell carcinoma. pelvic lymph node metastasis at initial diagnosis was 8 patients($11.1{\%}$) in stage IIIa and 29 patients($18.7{\%}$) in stage IIIb, Among 72 patients with stage IIIa, 36 patients ($50{\%}$) were treated with external radiation therapy alone by conventional technique (180-200 cGy/fr.) and 36 patients($50{\%}$) were treated with external radiation therapy with intracavitary radiotherapy(ICR) with $Cs^{137}$ sources, and among 155 patients with stage IIIb, 80 patients ($51.6{\%}$) were treated with external radiation therapy alone and 75 patients ($48.4{\%}$) were treated with external radiation therapy with ICR. Total radiation doses of stage IIIa and IIIb were 65-105 Gy(median: 78.5 Gy) and 65-125.5 Gy (median 83.5 Gy). Survival rate was calculated by life-table method. Results : Complete response rates were $58.3{\%}$(42 patients) in stage IIIa and $56.1{\%}$(87 patients) in stage IIIb. Overall 5 year survival rates were $57{\%}$ in stage IIIa and $40{\%}$ in stage IIIb. Five year survival rates by radiation technique in stage IIIa and IIIb were $64{\%},\;40{\%}$ in the group treated in combination of external radiation and ICR, and $50\%,\;40\%$ in the group of external radiation therapy alone(P=NS). Five year survival rates by response of radiation therapy in stage IIIa and IIIb were $90\%,\;66\%$ in responder group and $10\%,\;7\%$ in non-responder group (P<0.001) There were statistically no significant differences of 5 year survival rate by total radiation doses and external radiation doses(40 Gy vs 50 Gy) of whole or true pelvis in stage IIIa and IIIb(P=NS). Treatment failures rates were $40.3\%$(29 patients) in stage IIla and $57.4\%$(89 patients) in stage IIIb. 17 patients ($23.6\%$) in stage IIIa and 46 patients ($29.7\%$) in stage IIIb experienced complications. Total radiation doses more than 85 Gy produced serious complication in both stage IIIa($50\%$) and IIIb($50\%$). Serious complication rates were higher in group received external radiation doses of 50 Gy than 40 Gy to whole or true pelvis in stage IIIa and IIIb. Serious rectal complication developed in rectal doses more than 65 Gy, and serious bladder complication developed in bladder doses more than 75 Gy. Major cause of death was cachexia due to locoregional failure in both stage IIIa($34.7\%$) and IIIb($43.9\%$). Conclusion : From this study, we found that external radiation therapy with ICR was found to have a tendency to be superior to external radiation therapy alone in survival rate, local control rate and complication rate but not different in statistics, and external radiation doses of 50 Gy than 40 Gy to whole or true pelvis produced serious rectal and bladder complications in stage III uterine cervical cancer.

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Study on the Legal Policy for Restitution of Illegally Exported Cultural Properties in Foreign Countries (해외 소재 불법 문화재의 환수를 위한 법정책적 연구)

  • Song, Ho-Young
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.48 no.4
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    • pp.24-43
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    • 2015
  • Since 2011, when Oegyujanggak Uigwe(Records of the State Rites of the Joseon Dynasty) were returned from France, which were looted in 1866 by the French Navy, national attention to our cultural properties abroad was explosively increased and public pressure has been mounting that those cultural properties should be returned in Korea. According to the statistics of "Overseas Korean Cultural Heritage Foundation" Korean cultural Properties, which exist in foreign countries, amounts 160,342 in total 20 countries. Among them about half of them are estimated to be illegally exported cultural property, these are to be restituted. However, in reality it is not so easy to restitute illegally exported cultural properties. For this, it needs to be established a long-term and systematic plan for return of cultural properties from other countries. This paper starts from such a critical mind and tries to find legal policy measures for the return of illegally exported cultural properties. To this end, the author first describes motive and aim of this research in chapter I. and overviews basic understanding and current situation of export of cultural property as well as means and methods of return of cultural property in chapter II. and then deals with international and national norms that are involved in the dispute concerned return of cultural properties in chapter III. Based on this research, in chapter IV., which can be considered as a key part of this paper, the author proposed nine legal policy measures for restitution of cultural properties from foreign countries. That is, actual condition survey of cultural properties in foreign countries, unified management and implement of export ID on cultural properties, fund-raising for the diversification of means of return of cultural properties. local utilization of cultural properties, joining in the multilateral conventions and expansion of the bilateral agreements, restitution and cooperation through international organizations, restitution through lawsuit and arbitration, training experts on restitution of cultural property and networking with foreign experts. Finally, the author summarized his opinion in chapter V. which comprehended researching the above.

A Study on the Distribution of Startups and Influencing Factors by Generation in Seoul: Focusing on the Comparison of Young and Middle-aged (서울시 세대별 창업 분포와 영향 요인에 대한 연구: 청년층과 중년층의 비교를 중심으로)

  • Hong, Sungpyo;Lim, Hanryeo
    • Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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    • v.16 no.3
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    • pp.13-29
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    • 2021
  • The purpose of this study was to analyze the spatial distribution and location factors of startups by generation (young and middle-aged) in Seoul. To this end, a research model was established that included factors of industry, population, and startup institutions by generation in 424 administrative districts using the Seoul Business Enterprise Survey(2018), which includes data on the age group of entrepreneurs. As an analysis method, descriptive statistics were conducted to confirm the frequency, average and standard deviation of startups by generation and major variables in the administrative districts of Seoul, and spatial distribution and characteristics of startups by generation were analyzed through global and local spatial autocorrelation analysis. In particular, the spatial distribution of startups in Seoul was confirmed in-depth by categorizing and analyzing startups by major industries. Afterwards, an appropriate spatial regression analysis model was selected through the Lagrange test, and based on this, the location factors affecting startups by generation were analyzed. The main results derived from the research results are as follows. First, there was a significant difference in the spatial distribution of young and middle-aged startups. The young people started to startups in the belt-shaped area that connects Seocho·Gangnam-Yongsan-Mapo-Gangseo, while middle-aged people were relatively active in the southeastern region represented by Seocho, Gangnam, Songpa, and Gangdong. Second, startups by generation in Seoul showed various spatial distributions according to the type of business. In the knowledge high-tech industries(ICT, professional services) in common, Seocho, Gangnam, Mapo, Guro, and Geumcheon were the centers, and the manufacturing industry was focused on existing clusters. On the other hand, in the case of the life service industry, young people were active in startups near universities and cultural centers, while middle-aged people were concentrated on new towns. Third, there was a difference in factors that influenced the startup location of each generation in Seoul. For young people, high-tech industries, universities, cultural capital, and densely populated areas were significant factors for startup, and for middle-aged people, professional service areas, low average age, and the level of concentration of start-up support institutions had a significant influence on startup. Also, these location factors had different influences for each industry. The implications suggested through the study are as follows. First, it is necessary to support systematic startups considering the characteristics of each region, industry, and generation in Seoul. As there are significant differences in startup regions and industries by generation, it is necessary to strengthen a customized startup support system that takes into account these regional and industrial characteristics. Second, in terms of research methods, a follow-up study is needed that comprehensively considers culture and finance at the large districts(Gu) level through data accumulation.

Gridded Expansion of Forest Flux Observations and Mapping of Daily CO2 Absorption by the Forests in Korea Using Numerical Weather Prediction Data and Satellite Images (국지예보모델과 위성영상을 이용한 극상림 플럭스 관측의 공간연속면 확장 및 우리나라 산림의 일일 탄소흡수능 격자자료 산출)

  • Kim, Gunah;Cho, Jaeil;Kang, Minseok;Lee, Bora;Kim, Eun-Sook;Choi, Chuluong;Lee, Hanlim;Lee, Taeyun;Lee, Yangwon
    • Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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    • v.36 no.6_1
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    • pp.1449-1463
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    • 2020
  • As recent global warming and climate changes become more serious, the importance of CO2 absorption by forests is increasing to cope with the greenhouse gas issues. According to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, it is required to calculate national CO2 absorptions at the local level in a more scientific and rigorous manner. This paper presents the gridded expansion of forest flux observations and mapping of daily CO2 absorption by the forests in Korea using numerical weather prediction data and satellite images. To consider the sensitive daily changes of plant photosynthesis, we built a machine learning model to retrieve the daily RACA (reference amount of CO2 absorption) by referring to the climax forest in Gwangneung and adopted the NIFoS (National Institute of Forest Science) lookup table for the CO2 absorption by forest type and age to produce the daily AACA (actual amount of CO2 absorption) raster data with the spatial variation of the forests in Korea. In the experiment for the 1,095 days between Jan 1, 2013 and Dec 31, 2015, our RACA retrieval model showed high accuracy with a correlation coefficient of 0.948. To achieve the tier 3 daily statistics for AACA, long-term and detailed forest surveying should be combined with the model in the future.

Analysis of Spatial Characteristics of Vacant House in Consideration of the Modifiable Areal Unit Problem (MAUP) - Focused on the Old Downtowns of Busan Metropolitan City - (공간단위 수정가능성 문제(MAUP)를 고려한 빈집 발생지역의 특성 분석 - 부산광역시 원도심 일대를 대상으로 -)

  • SEOL, Yu-Jeong;KIM, Ji-Yun;KIM, Ho-Yong
    • Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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    • v.25 no.1
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    • pp.120-132
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    • 2022
  • Recently, the rapid increase in vacant houses in urban areas has caused various problems such as worsening urban landscape, causing safety accidents, crime accidents, and hygiene problems. According to the Statistics Korea Future Population Estimation results, the growth rate of Korean population and households is expected to continue to decrease, which is likely to lead to an increase in the occurrence of vacant houses. If the problem caused by the occurrence of vacant houses is neglected, it causes not only a physical decline such as a deterioration of the residential environment but also a social and economic decline. In order to solve this problem, it is necessary to grasp the spatial distribution characteristics of vacant houses at the local level considering the existence of regional characteristics and spatial influence. Therefore, in this study, in order to measure global spatial autocorrelation, the analysis was conducted centering on the old downtown area of Busan, where there are many vacant houses through Moran's I and Geographically Weighted Regression(GWR). In addition, the distribution of vacant houses in different spatial units in Eup_Myeon_Dong and Census was analyzed to evaluate the possibility of Modifiable Areal Unit Problem(MAUP), which differ in the results of spatial analysis as the spatial analysis units change. As a result of the analysis, the occurrence of vacant houses by Eup_Myeon_Dong in the old downtown area of Busan had spatial heterogeneity, and the spatial analysis results of vacant houses were different as the spatial analysis units were different. Accordingly, in order to understand the exact distribution characteristics of vacant house occurrence, spatial dimensions using the GWR model should be considered, and it is suggested that consideration of the MAUP is necessary.

Review of the Weather Hazard Research: Focused on Typhoon, Heavy Rain, Drought, Heat Wave, Cold Surge, Heavy Snow, and Strong Gust (위험기상 분야의 지난 연구를 뒤돌아보며: 태풍, 집중호우, 가뭄, 폭염, 한파, 강설, 강풍을 중심으로)

  • Chang-Hoi Ho;Byung-Gon Kim;Baek-Min Kim;Doo-Sun R. Park;Chang-Kyun Park;Seok-Woo Son;Jee-Hoon Jeong;Dong-Hyun Cha
    • Atmosphere
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    • v.33 no.2
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    • pp.223-246
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    • 2023
  • This paper summarized the research papers on weather extremes that occurred in the Republic of Korea, which were published in the domestic and foreign journals during 1963~2022. Weather extreme is defined as a weather phenomenon that causes serious casualty and property loss; here, it includes typhoon, heavy rain, drought, heat wave, cold surge, heavy snow, and strong gust. Based on the 2011~2020 statistics in Korea, above 80% of property loss due to all natural disasters were caused by typhoons and heavy rainfalls. However, the impact of the other weather extremes can be underestimated rather than we have actually experienced; the property loss caused by the other extremes is hard to be quantitatively counted. Particularly, as global warming becomes serious, the influence of drought and heat wave has been increasing. The damages caused by cold surges, heavy snow, and strong gust occurred over relatively local areas on short-term time scales compared to other weather hazards. In particularly, strong gust accompanied with drought may result in severe forest fires over mountainous regions. We hope that the present review paper may remind us of the importance of weather extremes that directly affect our lives.

A Study on Rationalization of National Forest Management in Korea (국유림경영(國有林經營)의 합리화(合理化)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Choi, Kyu-Ryun
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.20 no.1
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    • pp.1-44
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    • 1973
  • Needless to say, the management of national forest in all countries is very important in view of the national mission and management purposes. Korean national forest is also in particular significant in promoting national economy for the continuous increasing of the demand for wood, conservation of the land and social welfare. But there's no denying the fact that the leading aim of the Korean forest policy has been based upon the conservation of forest resources and recovery of land conservation function instead of improvement of the forest productive capacity. Therefore, the management of national forest should be aimed as an industry in the chain of the Korean national economy. And the increment of the forest productive capacity based on rationalized forest management is also urgently needed. Not only the increment of the timber production but also the establishment of the good forest in quality and quantity are to bring naturally many functions of conservation and other public benefits. In 1908 Korean national forest was historically established for the first time as a result of the notification for ownership, and was divided into two kinds in 1911-1924, such as indisposable national forest for land conservation, forest management, scientific research and public welfare, and the other national forest to be disposed. Indisposable forest is mostly under the jurisdiction of national forest stations (Chungbu, Tongbu, Nambu), and the tother national forests are under custody of respective cities and provinces, and under custody of the other government authorities. As of the end of 1971, national forest land is 19.5% (1,297,708 ha) of the total forest land area, but growing stock is 50.1% ($35,406,079m^3$) of the total forest growing stock, and timber production of national forest is 23.6% ($205,959m^3$) of the year production of total timber in Korea. Accordingly, it is the important fact that national forest occupies the major part of Korean forestry. The author positively affirms that success or failure of the management of national forest controls rise or fall of forestry in Korea. All functions of forest are very important, but among others the function of timber production is most important especially in Korea, that unavoidably imports a large quantity of foreign wood every year (in 1971 import of foreign wood-$3,756,000m^3$, 160,995,000 dollars). So, Korea urgently needs the improvement of forest productive capacity in national forest. But it is difficult that wood production meets the rapid increase of demand for wood to the development of economy, because production term of forestry is long, so national forest management should be rationalized by the effective investment and development of forestry techniques in the long view. Although Korean national forest business has many difficulties in the budget, techniques and the lack of labour due to outflow of rural village labour by development of national economy, and the increase of labour wages and administrative expenses etc. the development of national forest depends on adoption of the suitable forest techniques and management adapted for social and economical development. In this view point the writer has investigated and analyzed the status of the management of national forest in Korea to examine the irrational problems and suggest an improvement plan. The national forestry statistics cited in this study is based on the basic statistics and the statistics of the forest business as of the end of 1971 published by Office of Forestry, Republic of Korea, and the other depended on the data presented by the national forest stations. The writer wants to propose as follows (seemed to be helpful in improvement of Korean national forest management). 1) In the organization of national forest management, more national forest stations should be established to manage intensively, and the staff of working plan officials should be strengthened because of the importance of working plan. 2) By increasing the staff of protection officials, forest area assigned for each protection official should be decreased to 1,000-2,000 ha. 3) The frequent personnel changes of supervisor of national forest station(the responsible person on-the-spot) obstructs to accomplish the consistent management plan. 4) In the working plan drafting for national forest, basic investigations should be carefully practiced with sufficient expenditure and staff not to draft unreal working plan. 5) The area of working-unit should be decreased to less than 2,000 ha on the average for intensive management and the principle of a working-unit in a forest station should be realized as soon as possible. 6) Reforestation on open land should be completed in a short time with a debt of the special fund(a long term loan), and the land on which growing hardwood stands should be changed with conifers to increase productivity per unit area, and at the same time techical utilization method of hardwood should be developed. 7) Expenses of reforestation should be saved by mechanization and use of chemicals for reforestation and tree nursery operation providing against the lack of labour in future. 8) In forest protection, forest fire damage is enormous in comparison with foreign countries, accordingly prevention system and equipment should be improved, and also the minimum necessary budget should be counted up for establishment and manintenance of fire-lines. 9) Manufacture production should be enlarged to systematize protection, processing and circulation of forest business, and, by doing this, mich benefit is naturally given for rural people. 10) Establishment and arrangement of forest road networks and erosion control work are indispensable for the future development of national forest itself and local development. Therefore, these works should be promoted by the responsibility of general accounting instead of special accounting. 11) Mechanization of forest works should be realized for exploiting hinterlands to meet the demand for timber increased and for solving lack of labour, consequently it should promote import of forest machines, home production, training for operaters and careful adminitration. 12) Situation of labour in future will grow worse. Therefore, the countermeasure to maintain forest labourers and pay attention to public welfare facilities and works should be considered. 13) Although the condition of income and expenditure grows worse because of economical change, the regular expenditure should be fixed. So part of the surplus fund, as of the end of 1971, should be established for the fund, and used for enlarging reforestation and forest road networks(preceding investment in national forest).

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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