• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.516-524
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• 1997

Background : Cancer invasion and metastasis require the dissolution of the extracellular matrix in which several proteolytic enzymes are involved. One of these enzymes is the urokinase-type plasminogen activator(u-PA), and plasminogen activator inhibitors(PAI-1, PAI-2) also have a possible role in cancer invasion and metastasis by protection of cancer itself from proteolysis by u-PA. It has been reported that the levels of u-PA and plasminogen activator inhibitors in various cancer tissues are significantly higher than those in normal tissues and have significant correlations with tumor size and lymph node involvement. Here, we measured the concentration of plasma u-PA and PAI-1 antigens in the patients with lung cancer and compared the concentration of them with histologic types and staging parameters. Methods : We measured the concentration of plasma u-PA and PAI-1 antigens using commercial ELISA kit in 37 lung cancer patients, 21 benign lung disease patients and 24 age-matched healthy controls, and we compared the concentration of them with histologic types and staging parameters in lung cancer patients. Results : The concentration of u-PA was $1.0{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in controls, $1.0{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in benign lung disease patients and $0.9{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in lung cancer patients. The concentration of PAI-1 was $14.2{\pm}6.7ng/mL$ in controls, $14.9{\pm}6.3ng/mL$ in benign lung disease patients, and $22.1{\pm}9.8ng/mL$ in lung cancer patients. The concentration of PAI-1 in lung cancer patients was higher than those of benign lung disease patients and controls. The concentration of u-PA was $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in squamous cell carcinoma, $0.8{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in adenocarcinoma, 0.9ng/mL in large cell carcinoma, and $1.1{\pm}0.7ng/mL$ in small cell carcinoma. The concentration of PAI-1 was $22.3{\pm}7.2ng/mL$ in squamous cell carcinoma, $22.6{\pm}9.9ng/mL$ in adenocarcinoma, 42 ng/mL in large cell carcinoma, and $16.0{\pm}14.2ng/mL$ in small cell carcinoma. The concentration of u-PA was 0.74ng/mL in stage I, $1.2{\pm}0.6ng/mL$ in stage II, $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in stage IIIA, $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in stage IIIB, and $0.7{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in stage IV. The concentration of PAI-1 was 21.8ng/mL in stage I, $22.7{\pm}8.7ng/mL$ in stage II, $18.4{\pm}4.9ng/mL$ in stage IIIA, $25.3{\pm}9.0ng/mL$ in stage IIIB, and $21.5{\pm}10.8ng/mL$ in stage IV. When we divided T stage into T1-3 and T4, the concentration of u-PA was $0.8{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in T1-3 and $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in T4, and the concentration of PAI-1 was $17.9{\pm}5.6ng/mL$ in T1-3 and $26.1{\pm}9.1ng/mL$ in T4. The concentration of PAI-1 in T4 was significantly higher than that in T1-3. The concentration of u-PA was $0.8{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in M0 and $0.7{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in M1, and the concentration of PAI-1 was $23.6{\pm}8.3ng/mL$ in M0 and $21.5{\pm}10.8ng/mL$ in M1. Conclusions : The plasma levels of PAI-1 in lung cancer were higher than benign lung disease and controls, and the plasma levels of PAI-1 in T4 were significantly higher than T1-3. These findings suggest involvement of PAI-1 with local invasion of lung cancer, but it should be confirmed by the data on comparison with pathological staging and tissue level in lung cancer.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.31 no.1 s.60
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• pp.112-126
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• 1998

To investigate the effectiveness of the interventions in working environment and personal hygiene for the occupational exposure to the lead, the blood zinc protoporphyrin (ZPP) concentrations of 131 workers (100 exposed subjects and 31 controls) of a newly established battery factory were analyzed. They were measured in every 3 months up to 18 months. Ai. lead concentration (Pb-A) of the workplaces was also checked for 3 times in 6 months interval from August 1987. Environmental intervention included the local exhaust ventilation and vacuum cleaning of the floor. Intervention of the personal hygiene included the daily change of clothes, compulsory shower after work and hand washing before meal, prohibition of cigarette smoking and food consumption at the work site and wearing mask. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the controls was $16.45{\pm}4.83{\mu}g/d\ell$ at the preemployment examination and slightly increased to $17.77{\pm}5.59{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 6 months. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed before the factory was in operation (Group A) was $17.36{\pm}5.20{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was increased to $23.00{\pm}13.06{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 3 months. The blood ZPP concentration was increased to $27.25{\pm}6.40{\mu}g/d\ell$ on 6 months (p<0.01) after the employment which was 1 month after the initiation of intervention program. It did not increase thereafter and ranged between $25.48{\mu}g/d\ell$ and $26.61{\mu}g/d\ell$ in the subsequent 4 results. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed after the factory had been in operation but before the intervention program was initiated (Group B) was $14.34{\pm}6.10{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was increased to $28.97{\pm}7.14{\mu}g/d\ell$ (p<0.01) in 3 months later(1 month after the intervention). The values of subsequent 4 tests were maintained between $26.96{\mu}g/d\ell$and $27.96{\mu}g/d\ell$. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed after intervention program had been started (Group C) was$21.34{\pm}5.25{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was gradually increased to $23.37{\pm}3.86{\mu}g/d\ell$ (p<0.01) after 3 months, $23.93{\pm}3.64{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 6 months, $25.50{\pm}3.01{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 9 months, and $25.50{\pm}3.10{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 12 months. Workplaces were classified into 4 parts according to Pb-A. The Pb-A of part I, the highest areas, were $0.365mg/m^3$, and after the intervention the levels were decreased to $0.216mg/m^3$ and$0.208mg/m^3$ in follow-up test. The Pb-A of part II which was resulted in lowe. value than part I was decreased from $0.232mg/m^3$ to $0.148mg/m^3$, and $0.120mg/m^3$ after the intervention. The Pb-A of part III was tested after the intervention and resulted in $0.124mg/m^3$ in January 1988 and $0.181mg/m^3$ in August 1988. The Pb-A of part IV was also tested after the intervention and resulted in $0.110mg/m^3$ in August 1988. There was no consistent relationship between Pb-A and blood ZPP concentration. The blood ZPP concentration of the group A and B workers in the part of the highest Pb-A were lower than those of the workers in the parts of lower Pb-A. The blood ZPP concentration of the workers in the part of the lowest Pb-A increased more rapidly. The blood ZPP concentration of the group C workers was the highest in part III. These findings suggest that the intervention in personal hygiene is more effective than environmental intervention, and it should be carried out from the first day of employment and to both the exposed subjects, blue color workers and the controls, white color workers.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.359-368
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• 1995

Purpose : This is a retrospective analysis for pattern of failure, survival rate and prognostic factors of 114 patients with histologically proven invasive cancer of the uterine cervix treated with definitive irradiation. Materials and Methods : One hundred fourteen patients with invasive carcinoma of the cervix were treated with a combination of intracavitary irradiation using Fletcher-Suit applicator and external beam irradiation by 6MV X-ray at the Ewha Womans University Hospital between March 1982 and Mar 1990. The median age was 53 years(range:30-77 years). FIGO stage distribution was 19 for IB, 23 for IIA, 42 for IIB, 12 for IIIA and 18 for IIIB. Summation dose of external beam and intracavitary irradiation to point A was 80-90 Gy(median:8580 cGy) in early stage(IB-IIA) and 85-100 Gy(median:8850 cGy) in advanced stage(IIB-IIIB). Kaplan-Meier method was used to estimate the survival rate and multivariate analysis for progrostic factors was performed using the Log likelihood for Weibull Results : The pelvic failure rates by stage were $10.5{\%}$ for IB. $8.7{\%}$ for IIA, $23.8{\%}$ for IIB, $50.0{\%}$ for IIIA and $38.9{\%}$ for IIIB. The rate of distant metastasis by stage were $0{\%}$ for IB, $8.7{\%}$ for IIA, $4.8{\%}$ for IIB. $0{\%}$ for IIIA and $11.1{\%}$ for IIIB. The time of failure was from 3 to 50 months and with median of 15 months after completion of radiation therapy. There was no significant coorelation between dose to point A($\leq$90 Gy vs >90 Gy) and pelvic tumor control(P>0.05). Incidence rates of grade 2 rectal and bladder complications were $3.5{\%}$(4/114) and $7{\%}$(8/114), respectively and 1 patient had sigmoid colon obstruction and 1 patient had severe cystitis. Overall 5-year survival rate was $70.5{\%}$ and disease-free survival rate was $53.6{\%}$. Overall 5-year survival rate by stage was $100{\%}$ for IB, $76.9{\%}$ for IIA, $77.6{\%}$ for IIB $87.5{\%}$ for IIIA and $69.1{\%}$ for IIIB. Five-rear disease-free survival rate by stage was $81.3{\%}$ for IB, $67.9{\%}$ for IIA, $46.8{\%}$ for IIB, $45.4{\%}$ for IIIA and $34.4{\%}$ for IIIB. The prognostic factors for disease-free survival rate by multivariate analysis was performance status(p= 0.0063) and response rate after completion of radiation therapy(p= 0.0026) but stage, age and radiation dose to point A were not siginificant. Conclusion : The result of radiation therapy for early stage of the uterine cervix cancer was relatively good but local control rate and survival rate in advanced stage were poor inspite of high dose irradiation to point A above 90 Gy. Prospective randomized studies are recommended to establish optimal tumor doses for various stages and volume of carcinoma of uterine cervix, And ajuvant chemotherapy or radiation-sensitizing agents must be considered to increase the pelvic control and survival rate in advanced cancer of uterine cervix.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.555-652
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• 1996

Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.231-238
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• 2010

The anthropomorphism of brands, defined as seeing human beings in brands (Puzakova, Kwak, and Rosereto, 2008) is the focus of this study. Specifically, the research objective is to understand the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike. By analyzing consumer readings of stories found on food product packages we intend to show how marketers and consumers humanize a spectrum of brands and create meanings. Our research question considers the possibility that a single brand may host multiple or single meanings, associations, and personalities for different consumers. We start by highlighting the theoretical and practical significance of our research, explain why we turn our attention to packages as vehicles of brand meaning transfer, then describe our qualitative methodology, discuss findings, and conclude with a discussion of managerial implications and directions for future studies. The study was designed to directly expose consumers to potential vehicles of brand meaning transfer and then engage these consumers in free verbal reflections on their perceived meanings. Specifically, we asked participants to read non-nutritional stories on selected branded food packages, in order to elicit data about received meanings. Packaging has yet to receive due attention in consumer research (Hine, 1995). Until now, attention has focused solely on its utilitarian function and has generated a body of research that has explored the impact of nutritional information and claims on consumer perceptions of products (e.g., Loureiro, McCluskey and Mittelhammer, 2002; Mazis and Raymond, 1997; Nayga, Lipinski and Savur, 1998; Wansik, 2003). An exception is a recent study that turns its attention to non-nutritional packaging narratives and treats them as cultural productions and vehicles for mythologizing the brand (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). The next step in this stream of research is to explore how such mythologizing activity affects brand personality perception and how these perceptions relate to consumers. These are the questions that our study aimed to address. We used in-depth interviews to help overcome the limitations of quantitative studies. Our convenience sample was formed with the objective of providing demographic and psychographic diversity in order to elicit variations in consumer reflections to food packaging stories. Our informants represent middle-class residents of the US and do not exhibit extreme alternative lifestyles described by Thompson as "cultural creatives" (2004). Nine people were individually interviewed on their food consumption preferences and behavior. Participants were asked to have a look at the twelve displayed food product packages and read all the textual information on the package, after which we continued with questions that focused on the consumer interpretations of the reading material (Scott and Batra, 2003). On average, each participant reflected on 4-5 packages. Our in-depth interviews lasted one to one and a half hours each. The interviews were tape recorded and transcribed, providing 140 pages of text. The products came from local grocery stores on the West Coast of the US and represented a basic range of food product categories, including snacks, canned foods, cereals, baby foods, and tea. The data were analyzed using procedures for developing grounded theory delineated by Strauss and Corbin (1998). As a result, our study does not support the notion of one brand/one personality as assumed by prior work. Thus, we reveal multiple brand personalities peacefully cohabiting in the same brand as seen by different consumers, despite marketer attempts to create more singular brand personalities. We extend Fournier's (1998) proposition, that one's life projects shape the intensity and nature of brand relationships. We find that these life projects also affect perceived brand personifications and meanings. While Fournier provides a conceptual framework that links together consumers’ life themes (Mick and Buhl, 1992) and relational roles assigned to anthropomorphized brands, we find that consumer life projects mold both the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike and the ways in which brands connect to consumers' existential concerns. We find two modes through which brands are anthropomorphized by our participants. First, brand personalities are created by seeing them through perceived demographic, psychographic, and social characteristics that are to some degree shared by consumers. Second, brands in our study further relate to consumers' existential concerns by either being blended with consumer personalities in order to connect to them (the brand as a friend, a family member, a next door neighbor) or by distancing themselves from the brand personalities and estranging them (the brand as a used car salesman, a "bunch of executives.") By focusing on food product packages, we illuminate a very specific, widely-used, but little-researched vehicle of marketing communication: brand storytelling. Recent work that has approached packages as mythmakers, finds it increasingly challenging for marketers to produce textual stories that link the personalities of products to the personalities of those consuming them, and suggests that "a multiplicity of building material for creating desired consumer myths is what a postmodern consumer arguably needs" (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). Used as vehicles for storytelling, food packages can exploit both rational and emotional approaches, offering consumers either a "lecture" or "drama" (Randazzo, 2006), myths (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007; Holt, 2004; Thompson, 2004), or meanings (McCracken, 2005) as necessary building blocks for anthropomorphizing their brands. The craft of giving birth to brand personalities is in the hands of writers/marketers and in the minds of readers/consumers who individually and sometimes idiosyncratically put a meaningful human face on a brand.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.40-53
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• 2015

To train the manpower to meet the requirements of the industrial field, the introduction of the National Qualification Frameworks(hereinafter referred to as NQF) was determined in 2001 by National Competency Standards(hereinafter referred to as NCS) centrally of the Office for Government Policy Coordination. Also, for landscape architecture in the construction field, the "NCS -Landscape Architecture" pilot was developed in 2008 to be test operated for 3 years starting in 2009. Especially, as the 'realization of a competence-based society, not by educational background' was adopted as one of the major government projects in the Park Geun-Hye government(inaugurated in 2013) the NCS system was constructed on a nationwide scale as a detailed method for practicing this. However, in the case of the NCS developed by the nation, the ideal job performing abilities are specified, therefore there are weaknesses of not being able to reflect the actual operational problem differences in the student level between universities, problems of securing equipment and professors, and problems in the number of current curricula. For soft landing to practical curriculum, the process of clearly analyzing the gap between the current curriculum and the NCS must be preceded. Gap analysis is the initial stage methodology to reorganize the existing curriculum into NCS based curriculum, and based on the ability unit elements and performance standards for each NCS ability unit, the discrepancy between the existing curriculum within the department or the level of coincidence used a Likert scale of 1 to 5 to fill in and analyze. Thus, the universities wishing to operate NCS in the future measuring the level of coincidence and the gap between the current university curriculum and NCS can secure the basic tool to verify the applicability of NCS and the effectiveness of further development and operation. The advantages of reorganizing the curriculum through gap analysis are, first, that the government financial support project can be connected to provide quantitative index of the NCS adoption rate for each qualitative department, and, second, an objective standard is provided on the insufficiency or sufficiency when reorganizing to NCS based curriculum. In other words, when introducing in the subdivisions of the relevant NCS, the insufficient ability units and the ability unit elements can be extracted, and the supplementary matters for each ability unit element per existing subject can be extracted at the same time. There is an advantage providing directions for detailed class program and basic subject opening. The Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Employment and Labor must gather people from the industry to actively develop and supply the NCS standard a practical level to systematically reflect the requirements of the industrial field the educational training and qualification, and the universities wishing to apply NCS must reorganize the curriculum connecting work and qualification based on NCS. To enable this, the universities must consider the relevant industrial prospect and the relation between the faculty resources within the university and the local industry to clearly select the NCS subdivision to be applied. Afterwards, gap analysis must be used for the NCS based curriculum reorganization to establish the direction of the reorganization more objectively and rationally in order to participate in the process evaluation type qualification system efficiently.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.12 no.9
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• pp.3856-3868
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• 2011

Until recently, research trend in real estate has been focused on real estate market and the market analysis. But the studies on real estate training program development for real estate agents to improve their job performance are relatively short in numbers. Thus, this study shows empirical analysis of the needs for the training programs for real estate agents in Cheonan to improve their job performance. The results are as follows. First, in the survey of asking what educational contents they need in order to improve real estate agents' job performance, most of the respondents show their needs for the analysis of house's value, legal knowledge, real estate management, accounting, real estate marketing, and understanding of the real estate policy. This is because they are well aware that the best way of responding to the changing clients' needs comes from training programs. Secondly, asked about real estate marketing strategies, most of respondents showed their awareness of new strategies to meet the needs of clients. This is because new forms of marketing strategies including internet ads are needed in the field as the paradigm including Information Technology changes. Thirdly, asked about the need for real estate-related training programs, 92% of the respondents answered they need real estate education programs run by the continuing education centers of the universities. In addition, the survey showed their needs for retraining programs that utilize the resources in the local universities. Other than this, to have effective and efficient training programs, they demanded running a training system by utilizing the human resources of the universities under the name of the department of 'Real Estate Contract' for real estate agents' job performance. Fourthly, the survey revealed real estate management(44.2%) and real estate marketing(42.3%) is the most chosen contents they want to take in the regular course for improving real estate agents' job performance. This shows their will to understand clients' needs through the mind of real estate management and real estate marketing. The survey showed they prefer the training programs as an irregular course to those in the regular one. Despite the above results, this study chose subjects only in Cheanan and thus it needs to research more diverse areas. The needs of programs to improve real estate agents job performance should be analyzed empirically targeting the real estate agents not just in Cheonan but also cities like Pyeongchon, Ilsan and Bundang in which real estate business is booming, as well as undergraduate and graduate students whose major is real estate studies. These studies will be able to provide information to help develop the customized training programs by evaluating elements that real estate agents need in order to meet clients satisfaction and improve their job performance. Many variables of the program development learned through these studies can be incorporated in the curriculum of the real estate studies and used very practically as information for the development of the real estate studies in this fast changing era.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.81-89
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• 2011

The results of tracking the symbolism of plants in the introduction factors of Sokhwa(folk painting) are as the following. 1. The term Sokhwa(俗畵) is not only a type of painting with a strong local customs, but also carries a symbolic meaning and was discovered in "Donggukisanggukjip" of Lee, Gyu-Bo(1268~1241) in the Goryo era as well as the various usage in the "Sok Dongmunseon" in the early Chosun era, "Sasukjaejip" of Gang, Hee-mang(1424~1483), "Ilseongrok(1786)" in the late Chosun era, "Jajeo(自著)" of Yoo, Han-joon(1732~1811), and "Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango(五洲衍文長箋散稿)" of Lee, Gyu-gyung(1788~?). Especially, according to the Jebyungjoksokhwa allegation〈題屛簇俗畵辯證說〉in the Seohwa of the Insa Edition of Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango, there is a record that the "people called them Sokhwa." 2. Contemporarily, the Korean Sokhwa underwent the prehistoric age that primitively reflected the natural perspective on agricultural culture, the period of Three States that expressed the philosophy of the eternal spirits and reflected the view on the universe in colored pictures, the Goryo Era that religiously expressed the abstract shapes and supernatural patterns in spacein symbolism, and the Chosun Era that established the traditional Korean identity of natural perspective, aesthetic values and symbolism in a complex integration in the popular culture over time. 3. The materials that were analyzed in 1,009 pieces of Korean Sokhwa showed 35 species of plants, 37 species of animals, 6 types of natural objects and other 5 types with a total of 83 types. 4. The shape aesthetics according to the aesthetic analysis of the plants in Sokhwa reflect the primitive world view of Yin/yang and the Five Elements in the peony paintings and dynamic refinement and biological harmonies in the maehwado; the composition aesthetics show complex multi-perspective composition with a strong noteworthiness in the bookshelf paintings, a strong contrast of colors with reverse perspective drawing in the battlefield paintings, and the symmetric beauty of simple orderly patterns in nature and artificial objects with straight and oblique lines are shown in the leisurely reading paintings. In terms of color aesthetics, the five colors of directions - east, west, south, north and the center - or the five basic colors - red, blue, yellow, white and black - are often utilized in ritual or religious manners or symbolically substitute the relative relationships with natural laws. 5. The introduction methods in the Korean Sokhwa exceed the simple imitation of the natural shapes and have been sublimated to the symbolism that is related to nature based on the colloquial artistic characteristics with the suspicion of the essence in the universe. Therefore, the symbolism of the plants and animals in the Korean Sokhwas is a symbolic recognition system, not a scientific recognition system with a free and unique expression with a complex interaction among religious, philosophical, ecological and ideological aspects, as a identity of the group culture of Koreans where the past and the future coexist in the present. This is why the Koran Sokhwa or the folk paintings can be called a cultural identity and can also be interpreted as a natural and folk meaningful scenic factor that has naturally integrated into our cultural lifestyle. However, the Sokhwa(folk paintings) that had been closely related to our lifestyle drastically lost its meaning and emotions through the transitions over time. As the living lifestyle predominantly became the apartment culture and in the historical situations where the confusion of the identity has deepened, the aesthetic and the symbolic values of the Sokhwa folk paintings have the appropriateness to be transmitted as the symbolic assets that protect our spiritual affluence and establish our identity.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.35-45
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• 2023

First, The spatial distribution characteristics of old big trees were analyzed using ArcGIS figures by combining basic information such as species and ages of old big trees in Handan City, which were compiled by the local bureau of landscaping. The types of species, distribution by ages of trees, ownership status, growth status, and diversity status were comprehensively analyzed. Statistically, Styphnolobium, Acacia, Gleditsia, and Albizia of Fabaceae accounted for the majority, of which Sophora japonica accounted for the highest proportion. Sophora japonica is widely and intensively distributed to each prefecture and district in Handan city. According to the age and distribution, the old big trees over 1000 years old were mainly Sophora japonica, Zelkova serrata, Juniperus chinensis, Morus australis Koidz., Dalbergia hupeana Hance, Ceratonia siliqua L., and Pistacia chinensis, and Platycladus orientalis. Second, as found in each type of old big tree status, various types of old big tree status were investigated, the protection management system, protection management process, and protection management benefits were studied, and the protection of old big tree was closely related to the growth environment. Currently, the main driving force behind the protection of old big trees is the worship of old big trees. By depositing its sacredness to the old big tree and sublimating the natural character that nature gave to the old big tree into a guiding consciousness of social activities, nature's "beauty" and personality's "goodness" are well combined. The protection state of the old big tree is closely related to the degree of interaction with the surrounding environment and the participation of various cultures and subjects. In the process of continuously interacting with the surrounding environment during the long-term growth of old big trees, it seems that a natural sanctuary was formed around old big trees in the process of voluntarily establishing a "natural-cultural-scape" system involving bottom-up and top-down cross-regions, multicultural and multi-subjects. Third, China focused on protecting and recovering old big trees, but the protection management system is poor due to a lack of comprehensive consideration of historical and cultural values, plant diversity significance, and social values of old big trees in the management process. Three indicators of space's regional characteristics, property and protection characteristics, and value characteristics can be found in the evaluation of the natural characteristics of old giant trees, which are highly valuable in terms of traditional consciousness management, resource protection practice, faith system construction, and realization of life community values. A systematic management system should be supported as to whether they can be protected and developed for a long time. Fourth, as the perception of protected areas is not yet mature in China, "natural sanctuary" should be treated as an important research content in the process of establishing a nature reserve system. The form of natural sanctuary management, which focuses on bottom-up community participation, is a strong supplement to the current type of top-down nature reserve management in China. Based on this, the protection of old giant trees should be included in the form of a nature reserve called a natural monument in the nature reserve system. In addition, residents of the area around the nature reserve should be one of the main agents of biodiversity conservation.

• Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.75-96
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• 1998

The local arrangement of sensory nerve cell bodies and nerve fibers in the brain stem, spinal ganglia and nodose ganglia were observed following injection of cholera toxin B subunit(CTB) and wheat germ agglutinin-horseradish peroxidase(WGA-HRP) into the rat intestine. The tracers were injected in the stomach(anterior and posterior portion), duodenum, jejunum, ileum, cecum, ascending colon or descending colon. After survival times of 48-96 hours, the rats were perfused and their brain, spinal and nodose ganglia were frozen sectioned ($40{\mu}m$). These sectiones were stained by CTB immunohistochemical and HRP histochemical staining methods and observed by dark and light microscopy. The results were as follows: 1. WGA-HRP labeled afferent terminal fields in the brain stem were seen in the stomach and cecum, and CTB labeled afferent terminal fields in the brain stem were seen in all parts of the intestine. 2. Afferent terminal fields innervating the intestine were heavily labeled bilaterally gelalinous part of nucleus of tractus solitarius(gelNTS), dorsomedial part of gelNTS, commissural part of NTS(comNTS), medial part of NTS(medNTS), wall of the fourth ventricle, ventral border of area postrema and comNTS in midline dorsal to the central canal. 3. WGA-HRP labeled sensory neurons were observed bilaterally within the spinal ganglia, and labeled sensory neurons innervating the stomach were observed in spinal ganglia $T_2-L_1$ and the most numerous in spinal ganglia $T_{8-9}$. 4. Labeled sensory neurons innervating the duodenum were observed in spinal ganglia $T_6-L_2$ and labeled cell number were fewer than the other parts of the intestines. 5. Labeled sensory neurons innervating the jejunum were observed in spinal ganglia $T_6-L_2$ and the most numerous area in the spinal ganglia were $T_{12}$ in left and $T_{13}$ in right. 6. Labeled sensory neurons innervating the ileum were observed in spinal ganglia $T_6-L_2$ and the most numerous area in the spinal ganglia were $T_{11}$ in left and $L_1$ in right. 7. Labeled sensory neurons innervating the cecum were observed in spinal ganglia $T_7-L_2$ and the most numerous area in the spinal ganglia were $T_{11}$ in left and $T_{11-12}$ in right. 8. Labeled sensory neurons innervating the ascending colon were observed in spinal ganglia $T_7-L_2$ in left, and $T_9-L_4$ in right. The most numerous area in the spinal ganglia were $T_9$ in left and $T_{11}$ in right. 9. Labeled sensory neurons innervating the descending colon were observed in spinal ganglia $T_9-L_2$ in left, and $T_6-L_2$ in right. The most numerous area in the spinal ganglia were $T_{13}$ in left and $L_1$ in right. 10. WGA-HRP labeled sensory neurons were observed bilaterally within the nodose ganglia, and the most numerous labeled sensory neurons innervating the abdominal organs were observed in the stomach. 11. The number of labeled sensory neurons within the nodose ganglia innervating small and large intestines were fewer than that of labeled sensory neurons innervating stomach These results indicated that area of sensory neurons innervated all parts of intestines were bilaterally gelatinous part of nucleus tractus solitarius(gelNTS), dorsomedial part of gelNTS, commissural part of NTS (comNTS), medial part of NTS, wall of the fourth ventricle, ventral border of area postrema and com NTS in midline dorsal to the central canal within brain stem, spinal ganglia $T_2-L_4$ and nodose ganglia. Labeled sensory neurons innervating the intestines except the stomach were observed in spinal ganglia $T_6-L_4$. The most labeled sensory neurons from the small intestine to large intestine came from middle thoracic spinal ganglia to upper lumbar spinal ganglia.