Characteristic on the Layout and Semantic Interpretation of Chungryu-Gugok, Dongaksan Mountain, Gokseong (곡성 동악산 청류구곡(淸流九曲)의 형태 및 의미론적 특성)
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- Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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- v.32 no.4
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- pp.24-36
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- 2014
The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).
In order to improve practical utility of agro-microorganisms (AMs) which had been cultured and disseminated to promote plant growth and to control crop diseases, 51 isolates of AMs were collected from 18 agricultural extension centers in local government and screened for multi-functions such as antifungal activity, activities of phosphorus solubilization, IAA and siderophore production, nitrogen fixation, and hydrolytic enzyme activity. Finally we selected one isolate showing good antifungal activity and multi-functions related to plant growth and disease control. The selected isolate, Paenibacillus polymyxa CW, showed good inhibitory effect against plant pathogens, Pyricularia gresea, Colletotrichum acutatum, Fusarium oxysporum, Phomopsis sp., Aspergillus niger, Rhizoctonia solani and Phytophthora capsici. Suppressive effect of P. polymyxa CW against the used plant pathogens except for R. solani was much higher than that of P. polymyxa AC-1 storing in National Academy of Agricultural Science. We found P. polymyxa CW isolate showed good activity in siderophore and IAA formation, and nitrogen fixation. With P. polymyxa CW isolate, siderophore formation activity was similar to that of P. polymyxa AC-1, but IAA formation and nitrogen fixation activity was much higher than that of P. polymyxa AC-1. However neither P. polymyxa CW nor P. polymyxa AC-1 showed hydrolytic enzyme (chitinase, pectinase and cellulase) activity. The treatment of P. polymyxa CW with culture suspension of different cell density (
This research has conducted studies on an Oriental medicine-based method of diagnosing of occupational musculoskeletal system diseases. This researcher has searched through existing relevant medical literature. Also, this researcher has worked on a moire topography using moire topography. In this course, this researcher has reached the following conclusion in relation to the possibility of using a moire topography as a diagnosing device of musculoskeletal system diseases under Oriental medicine . 1 The Western medicine outlines its criteria of screening occupational musculoskeletal system diseases as follows A. The occupational musculoskeletal diseases must clearly include one or more of the subjective symptoms characterized by pain, hypoesthesia dysaesthesia, anaesthesia. etc . B, There should be clinically admitted objective observations and diagnosis outlining that the disease concerned shows symptoms such as tenderness, induration. and edema that can appear with occupational musculoskeletal system diseases. dyscinesia should be admitted with the disease concerned, or there should be observations and diagnosis outlining that abnormality exists in electric muscular or nervous diagnosis and examination . C. It should be admitted that prior to the occurrence of symptoms or observations and diagnosis on musculoskeletal system-related diseases, a patient has been engaged in works with conditions requiring improper work posture or work movement. That is, this is an approach whereby they see abnormality in the musculoskeletal system come from material and structural defect, and adjust and control abnormality in the musculoskeletal system and secreta . 2. The Oriental medicines sees that a patient develops the pain of occupational musculoskeletal diseases as he cannot properly activate the flow of his life force and blood thus not only causing formation of lumps in the body and blocking the flow of life force and blood in some parts of the body. Hence, The Oriental medicine focuses on resolving the cause of weakening the flow of life force and blood, instead of taking material approach of correcting structural abnormality Furthermore , Oriental medicine sees that when muscle tension builds up, this presses blood vessels and nerves passing by, triggering circulation dyscrasia and neurological reaction and thus leading to lesion. Thus, instead of taking skeletal or neurophysiological approach. it seeks to fundamentally resolve the cause of the flow of the life force and blood in muscles not being activated. As a result Oriental medicine attributes the main cause of musculoskeletal system diseases to muscle tension and its build-up that stem from an individual's long formed chronicle habit and work environment. This approach considers not only the social structure aspect including companies owners and work environment that the existing methods have looked at, but also individual workers' responsibility and their environmental factors. Hence, this is a step forward method. 3 The diagnosis of musculoskeletal diseases under Oriental medicine is characterized by the fact that an Oriental medicine doctor uses not only photos taken by himself, but also various detection devices to gather information and pass comprehensive judgment on it. Thus, it is the core of diagnosis under Oriental medicine to develop diagnosing devices matching the characteristics of information to be induced and to interpret information so induced from the views of Oriental medicine. Diagnosis using diagnosing devices values the whole state of a patient and formal abnormality alike, and the whole balance and muscular state of a patient serves as the basis of diagnosis. Hence, this method, instead of depending on the information gathered from devices under Western medicine, requires devices that provide information on the whole state of a patient in addition to the local abnormality information that X-ray. CT, etc., can offer. This method sees muscle as the central part of the abnormality in the musculoskeletal system and thus requires diagnosing devices enabling the muscular state. 4. The diagnosing device using moire topography under Oriental medicine has advantages below and can be used for diagnosing musculoskeletal system diseases with industrial workers . First, the device can Provide information on the body in an unbalanced state. and thus identify the imbalance and difference of height in the left and right stature that a patient can not notice at normal times. Second, the device shows the twisting of muscles or induration regions in a contour map. This is not possible with existing shooting machines such as X-ray, CT, etc., thus differentiating itself from existing machines. Third, this device makes it possible for Oriental medicine to take its unique approach to the abnormality in the musculoskeletal system. Oriental medicine sees the state and imbalance state in muscles as major factors in determining the lesion of musculoskeletal system, and the device makes it possible to shoot the state of muscles in detail. In this respect, the device is significant. Fourth, the device has an advantage as non-aggression diagnosing device.
The traditional market is foremost a regionally positioned place, wherein the market directly represents regional and cultural centered traits while it plays an important role in the circulation of facilities through reciprocal, informative and cultural exchanges while sewing to form local communities. The traditional market in Korea is one of representative retail businesses and premodern marketing techniques by family owned business of less than five members such as product management, purchase method, and marketing patterns etc. Since the 1990s, the appearance of new circulation-type businesses and large discount convenience stores escalated the loss of traditional competitiveness, increased the living standard of customers, changed purchasing patterns, and expanded the ubiquity of the Internet. All of these changes in external circulation circumstances have led the traditional markets to lose their place in the economy. The traditional market should revive on a regional site basis through the formation of a community of regional neighbors and through knowledge-sharing that leads to the creation of wealth. For the purpose of creating a wealth in a place, the following components are necessary: 1) a facility suitable for the spatial place of the present, 2)trust built through exchanges within the changing market environment, which would simultaneously satisfy customer's desires, 3) international bench marking on cases such as regionally centered TCM (England), BID (USA), and TMO (Japan) so that the market unit of store placement transfers from a spot policy to a line policy, 4)conversion of communicative conception through a surface policy approach centered around a macro-region perspective. The budget of the traditional market funding policy was operational between 2001 and 2004, serving as a counter move to solve the problem of the old traditional market through government intervention in regional economies to promote national economic strength. This national treasury funding project was centered on environmental improvement, research corps, and business modernization through the expenditure of 3,853 hundred million won (Korean currency). However, the effectiveness of this project has yet to be to proven through investigation. Furthermore, in promoting this funding support project, a lack of professionalism among merchants in the market led to constant limitations in comprehensive striving strategies, reduced capabilities in middle-and long-term plan setup, and created reductions in voluntary merchant agreement solutions. The traditional market should go beyond mere physical place and ordinary products creative site strategies employing the communicative approach must accompany these strategies to make the market a new regional and spatial living place. Thus, regarding recent paradigm changes and the introduction of region-based site functions into the traditional market, acquiring a conversion of direction into the newly developed project is essential to reinvestigate the traditional market composed of cultural and economic meanings, for the purpose of the research. Excavating social policy demands through the comparative analysis of domestic and international cases as well as innovative and expert management leadership development for NPO or NGO civil entrepreneurs through advanced case research on present promotion methods is extremely important. Discovering the seeds of the cultural contents industry cored around regional resource usages, commercializing regionally reknowned products, and constructing complex cultural living places for regional networks are especially important. In order to accelerate these solutions, a comprehensive and systemized approach research operated within a mentor academy system is required, as research will reveal distinctive traits of the traditional market in the aging society.
Background : The cell-mediated immune response plays an important role in tuberculosis. After being activated by mycobacterial antigens, T lymphocytes express a high affinity receptor (IL-2R) for interleukin-2 (IL-2) on their own surface and release a soluble fraction of the IL-2 receptor (sIL-2R) from the cell membrane into the circulation. Neopterin is a metabolite of guanosine-triphosphate, which is produced by stimulated macrophages under the influence of IFN-
Purpose : We evaluated retrospectively the outcomes of inoperable squamous cell lung cancer patients treated with radiotherapy to find out prognostic factors affecting survival. Materials and methods : Four hundred and eleven patients diagnosed as squamous cell lung cancer between November 1988 and December 1997 were the basis of this analyses. The planned dose to the gross tumor volume was ranged from 30 to 70.2 Gy. Chemotherapy was combined in 72 patients
This study examined the definition and major values, the designated procedures and types, and the designation trend in Korean scenic sites and national parks in the United States. Based on this, the analysis of the characteristics of the designation of the two natural heritages. The results are as follows; First, Scenic Sites has characteristics of complex heritage that includes academic, historical, and humanities values on the basis of landscape. As a natural heritage based on public nature, the U.S. National Park aims to contribute to the people's natural heritage and satisfy both ecological and historical values through the protection of the landscape. Second, the designation of a scenic sites are decided through deliberation by the Cultural Heritage Committee after the request of the owner, manager, or local government or by the authority of the head of the Cultural Heritage Administration. The designated survey is divided into basic resource surveys and resource surveys by type. Since the initial designation of the Sogeumgang Mountain in Cheonghakdong, Myeongju in 1970, the number of designated scenic sites was low until the 2000s, but the number of designated scenic sites has increased rapidly since 2006 due to the policy to promote the scenic site, and the proportion of natural and historical and cultural scenic sites has been balanced. The designation of the U.S. national park is decided by the Congress or the president, and the National Park Service makes a series of decisions on whether to conduct a special resource study of provisional resources through a preliminary inspection survey, whether to satisfy the criteria for designation of national parks based on the results of special resource research, and to prioritize them. The U.S. National Parks have been expanded not only by Congress but also by the president's empowerment to designate them as national monuments. With the integrated operation of the National Park Service, the number of designated cases increased as the national park included the heritage sites under the control of various ministries. In addition, a number of historical areas were designated by the enactment of the Historical Site Act, and recreational areas were designated to provide leisure space and classified and managed in a total of 18 units. Third, the comparison of the designation characteristics of the two heritage properties confirmed that the designation of natural heritage with complex value, the classification of types according to complementary designation system and resource characteristics, the establishment of the competent ministry and the balancing of the heritage according to the designation policy. The two heritages had the characteristics of complex natural heritages that met ecological, historical and academic values at the same time based on landscape and public nature. In addition, both countries have identified a system for deliberating the designation of heritage through a basic resource survey and an in-depth designation survey, and classified each type according to the characteristics of the resource. In addition, the policies for promoting scenic sites in Korea and the integrated operation of the National Park Service in the U.S. influenced the designated aspects of the two heritage sites, balancing natural heritage with historical and cultural heritage. Fourth, the resource types and conservation management methods of Scenic site and National Park were largely related. The natural areas of the U.S. National Park include types of natural monuments in Korea as major resources, and have characteristics similar to natural scenic sites. In addition, historical resources were similar to the criteria for designation of historical and cultural scenic sites in terms of landscape, and the aspects of war and celebrity-related relics were related to the types of historic sites. In terms of conservation management, the natural area of the U.S. national park has a way of keeping the original ecosystem intact, but the Korean natural heritage protection system is likely to be useful for focusing on the resource of viscosity. Meanwhile, historical resources include historical sites and historical and cultural scenic sites in the traditional era, but historical relics in the U.S. National Parks have set a time limit to modern times for war history and celebrity-related relics, and the active provision of entertainment programs based on existing resources was derived as a difference.
Kimura's Disease is a chronic inflammatory and proliferative condition producing subcutaneous masses especially in the head and neck area. This report of our experience with 5 patients with this disease is the first in the Korean surgical literature. Kimura's Disease is thought to be part of the larger spectrum of the entity known as angiolymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia (ALHE). It is characterized pathologically by hyperplastic lymphoid follicles, eosinophilic infiltration, and vase 비 ar proliferation. It produces masses which are most common in the area of the parotid, submandibular gland and upper neck. These masses occupy the subcutaneous tissues but also extend into salivary tissue and into upper neck nodes. One of our patients had masses in the groin. The tumors are extremely vascular due to the presence of new proliferative vessels and sinusoids. The average age of our 5 patients was 35, but all but one case were younger than 38 years of age. The male: female ratio was 3 : 2, and the average duration of symptoms was 5,2years. All patients had peripheral blood eosinophilia. All had multiple masses, sometimes symmetrical. The management was surgery alone in one case, surgery and steroids in one case, surgery and radiotherapy in two cases, and all three modalities in one case. The relationship of this entity to ALHE and our experience in the management of this disease are presented. A clinicopathological discrepancy alerted us to the existence of Kimura's Disease. A nineteen-year old male presented with subcutaneous masses over both mastoid areas present for 3 years (Case III). When biopsy on each side was reported as 'eosinophilic granuloma' we submitted the slides to an internationally expert pathologist. Symmetrically occurring tumors in the peri-parotid subcutaneous areas did not fit any category of neoplasm or granuloma known to us. The diagnosis, made by Dr. Gist Fan at the Ochsner Clinic, was Kimura's Disease. We found two additional cases in a review of soft tissue eosinophilic granuloma previously reported at Presbyterian Medical Center, and since then have diagnosed two new cases. These five cases constitute the basis for this, the largest series to be reported in Korea. These vascular, tumor-like lesions of the skin, subcutaneous areas and subjacent structures of the head and neck have been a variety of names, such as angiolymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia, eosinophilic hyperplastic lymphogranuloma, angioblastic lymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia, histioid hemangioma, and epithelioid hemangioma. The history of this disease spectrum dates back to 1937 when Kimm and Szeto (1) reported 7 cases of 'eosinophilic hyperplastic lymphogranuloma' in the Proceedings of the Chinese Medical Journal. In 1948 Kimura and his associates(2) reported additional cases in Japan under the title 'On the unusual granulation combined with hyperplastic changes of lymphatic tissue.' From then until 1966 several hundred cases were reported in China and Japan. The first report from the West was by Wells and Whimster(3) in the British Journal of Dermatology, in 1969. These authors coined the term, angiolymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia (ALHE). Since that time a debate has ensued as to whether Kimura's Disease and ALHE are distinct entities, or whether Kimura's is part of the larger spectrum of ALHE, perhaps a later or advanced phase. From the clinical perspective, surgeons should be aware of the diagnosis of Kimura's Disease not only as part of the differential diagnosis of head and neck tumors but also because these lesions are indolent, and generally require conservative surgical removal as part of the management program. CASE I. A 37-year-old female company employee presented in August 1982 with submental swelling of 12 years' duration and with inguinal swelling of 7 years' duration. The submental mass measured 5x5cm. and the inguinal mass was 8x4cm. in size. Peripheral eosinophilia varying from 14% to 40% was found. On August 20, 1982, the submental mass was removed and a superficial groin dissection was done. In May 1983 an intraoral lesion of the palate was removed. The patient is free of disease. CASE II. A 23-year-old unemployed man visited this hospital for the first time in July, 1984, with swelling of the right cheek present for 6 years. The mass was soft and ill-defined but measured 10x20cm. and extended from the submandibular upper neck to the zygomatic arch, and from the mastoid to the cheek, over the parotid gland. Eosinophilia varying from 27% to 29% was noted in the peripheral blood. On March 21, 1986, the lesion was resected. The procedure comprised an extended superficial parotidectomy from the temporalis fascia to the upper neck. Post-operatively radiotherapy 3000 rad tissue dose was administered using the 6 MeV linear accelerator. The patient remains free of disease. CASE III. A 19-year-old student came to the clinic with masses over both mastoid areas, present 3 years. On the right there were two adjacent lesions, one over the mastoid, the other in the upper jugular level of the neck. On the left it was a single mass over the mastoid. Eosinophilia varied from 13 to 32% in the peripheral blood, and 11.6% in the bone marrow. Incisional biopsy revealed 'eosinophilic granuloma' and a trial of predisolone was employed. The mass increased in size so a small dose of radiation (600 rads) was used, with substantial regression,. The lesion on the left was excised and follwed by 1000 rads radiotherapy. Finally recurrent tumor on the right side was removed on November 5, 1985. The patient remains free of disease. CASE N. A 29-year-old local merchant had had swelling of both upper necks since childhood. At the time of his first visit on March 17, 1986, the right submandibular mass measured 5x3.5cm. and the ,right upper neck and parotid tail mass measured 2.5cm. On the left there were masses in the upper neck, the largest of which measured 2.5cm, and of the parotid tail, 2.0cm. in size.(See Fig. 1) Peripheral eosinophilia of 39% was recorded. Left side partial parotidectomy and resection of the upper neck and subdigstric mases was done on May 2, 1986. The mass involving the right parotid tail and upper neck nodes was removed on Angust 7,1986. Postoperatively the patient was placed on prednisolone 30 mg. per day. No definite masses are palpable. CASE V. A 66-year-old housewife informed us, at the time of her first visit in May, 1986, that she had had multiple neck masses since 10 years ago. On the right side there was a 2.5cm. subcutaneous mass of the upper neck, over the upper jugular chain. On the left there was a 9x4.5cm. mass involving the entire parotid, the post-auricular area and the upper neck. A third mass presented in the submental area and measured 3.5cm. (See Fig. 2) Eosinophilia of 51% was noted in the peripheral blood. partial excision of the left upper neck lesion and complete excision of the submental mass were performed on june 6, 1986. post-operatively she was placed on 20 mg. of prednisolone daily, but when the mass re-grew after two months she was referred to Radiation Therapy for a 2500 rad course of treatment. A barely palpable thickening remains.
From the beginning of the chosun dynasty, an agriculture-first policy was imposed by being written farming books, for instance, Nongsajiksul, matched with real conditions of local agriculture, which provided the grounds of new, intensive farming technologies. This farming book was the collection of good fanning technologies that were experienced in rural farm areas at that time. According to Nongsajiksul, rice culture systems were divided into "Musarmi"(Water-Seeded rice), /"Kunsarmi"(dry-seeded rice), /transplanted rice and mountainous rice (upland rice) culture. The characteristics of these rice cultures with high technologies were based of scientific weeding methods, improved fertilization, and cultivation works using cattle power and manpower tools systematically. Reclamation of coastal swampy and barren land was possible in virtue of fire cultivation farming(火耕) and a weeding tool called "Yoonmok"(輪木). Also, there was an improved hoe to do weeding works as well as thinning and heaping-up of soil at seeding stages of rice. Direct-seeded rice culture in flat paddy fields were expanded by constructing the irrigation reservoirs and ponds, and the valley paddy fields was reclaimed by constructing "Boh(洑)". These were possible due to weed control by irrigation waters, keeping soil fertility by inorganic fertilization during irrigation, and increased productivity of rice fields by supplying good physiological conditions for rice. Also, labor-saving culture of rice was feasible by transplanting but in national-wide, rice should not basically be transplanted because of the restriction of water use. Thus, direct-seeded rice in dry soils was established, in which rice was direct-seeded and grown in dry soils by seedling stages and was grown in flooded fields when rained, as in the book "Nongsajiksul". During the middle of the dynasty(AD 1495-1725), the excellent labor-saving farmings include check-rowing transplanting because of weeding efficiency and availability in rice("Hanjongrok"), and, nurserybed techniques (early transplanting of rice) were emphasized on the basis of rice transplanting ["Nongajibsung"]. The techniques for deep plowing with cattle powers and for putting more fertilizers were to improve the productivity of labor and land, The matters advanced in "Sanlimkyungje" more than in "Nongajibsung" were, development of "drybed of rice nursery stock", like "upland rice nursery" today, transplanting, establishment of "winter barly on drained paddy field, and improvement of labor and land-productivity in rice". This resulted in the community of large-scale farming by changing the pattern of small-farming into the production system of rice management. Woo-hayoung(1741-1812) in his book "Chonilrok" tried to reform from large-scale farmings into intensive farmings, of which as eminent view was to divide the land use into transplanting (paddy) and groove-seeding methods(dry field). Especially as insisted by Seo-yugo ("Sanlimkyungjeji"), the advantages of transplanting were curtailment of weeding labors, good growth of rice because of soil fertility of both nurserybed and paddy field, and newly active growth because rice plants were pulled out and replanted. Of course, there were reestimation of transplanting, limitation of two croppings a year, restriction of "paddy-upland alternation", and a ban for large-scale farming. At that period, Lee-jiyum had written on rice farming technologies in dry upland with consider of the land, water physiology of rice, and convenience for weeding, and it was a creative cropping system to secure the farm income most safely. As a integrated considerations, the followings must be introduced to practice the improved farming methods ; namely, improvement of farming tools, putting more fertilizers, introduction of cultural technologies more rational and efficient, management of labor power, improvement of cropping system to enhance use of irrigation water and land, introduction of new crops and new varieties.
Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.