• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.193-213
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• 2020

Chen Du-xiu, a leading thinker and revolutionist in modern China, is the person who showed an ideological upheaval from liberalism to socialism. He called for personal freedom and the values of the individual, but when he came upon a national crisis and the Russian Revolution succeeded, he converted to socialism. In the process, he combined democracy with ethnicity to lay the foundation for Chinese social democracy. As one of representative thinkers of modern China, he changed his position for Chinese people and Chinese society, and it soon formed the basis of modern Chinese socialism, emphasizing the right to the survival of the people and people's democracy.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.6 s.111
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• pp.671-693
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• 2005

This paper is to explore critically environmentalism, especially in terms of environmental justice, suggested or implied in theory of liberalism which has been the ideological foundation of contemporary society. It begins with a brief look at liberal perspective in a broad sense, then interprets in-depth the classical liberalism of J. Locke, libertarianism (esp. R. Nozick) and utilitarianism (including cost-benefit analysis) from the environmental point of view. And finally it considers liberal pluralism and other alternative theories of pluralism, especially communitarianism (esp M. Walzer), postmodern pluralism (esp. I. Young), and cultural pluralism (esp. C. Taylor) in order to overcome limitations of liberal environmentalism and to find out some clues for theory of environmental justice. In conclusion, this paper argues that we need to transfer from liberalism (including liberal pluralism) to critical pluralism in oder to develop a proper understanding of environmental problems and to conceptualize a desirable theory of environmental justice.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.7-28
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• 2008

Colin Rowe was an important historian, theorist and critic in Modern architecture. His significance in Modern architectural history lies in not only historiography which has changed our view of Modernism but deep theoretical involvement in practice. This study is a critical review and analysis on his formalist approach in Architecture. With a view that his position of formalist has indispensible relationship with liberalism from K. Popper's critical rationalism, this study try to show how his philosophical background has an influence upon his way of seeing architecture, history, form, urbanism, and meaning, etc. And this study also try to explain why the principle of architecture as an autonomous discipline which is the main point of view in Rowe's criticism has been so successful and influential. This study also explain what is the possibility and limitation of Rowe's formalist approach and way of reading buildings. His intelligent way of formal analysis can give us new understandings of how the form generates and the process of design goes on. Furthermore it guide us a new horizon of architecture as a language game. Since his early writings showed both side of formalist approach in architecture and it didn't changed a lot. We can understand his 'Collage City' was a his final answer to his formalist way of making architecture and urbanism. we can estemate it as a utopia without utopianism and an ideology without ideological color.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2020

The paper discusses how the new EU Strategy towards Central Asia issued in May 2019 might be analyzed through the lens of the intensely debated transformations from the liberal to a post-liberal international order. The author claims that the EU's normative power is transforming from the post-Cold War predominantly liberal/ value-based approach, with democracy and human rights at its core, to a set of more technical tools and principles of good governance and effective management of public administration. The paper problematizes a nexus between the dynamics of the EU's nascent post-liberalism and the geopolitical challenges of the EU's growing engagement with illiberal regimes, focuses on direct encounters between the post-liberal EU and the illiberal elites in Central Asia, and seeks to find out the impact of these connections upon the EU's international subjectivity. In this context geopolitical dimensions of EU foreign and security policies, along with the specificity of the EU's geopolitical actorship in Central Asia, are discussed.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.11
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• pp.447-456
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• 2020

Korean society is facing the 2017 regime and the era of the fourth industrial revolution. University education is trying to select agendas that focuses on public interest and innovation, which are key words, for change. Unlike recent efforts, practical changes are insufficient. There is a relative lack of discussion on the essence and theory of university education in South Korea. This study looked at the current location of Korean university education and discussed the essential direction from a point of view on critical pedagogy. So far, Korean university education has operated under the control of neo-liberalism for more than 20 years since the May 31 educational reform in 1995. Democracy and deindustrialization, the direction pursued by the 2017 regime and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, differs from neo-liberalism. Therefore, it is necessary to reflect on neo-liberalism and seek a subsequent turn of direction. Henry Giroux has been critical of the neo-liberalistic policy of American education, which has been a major discourse since 1980, and has discussed proposals for various changes. In particular, it provides clear coordinates for the features of human resources as educated people. For example, they are intellectuals, border intellectuals, and public intellectuals. These intellectuals have independent, autonomous, active, self-reliant characteristics and have a duty and accountability to pursue for public interests. It is also closely related to the 2017 regime and the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Along with this discussion, university education seems to need serious and rigorous discussion and consideration.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.50
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• pp.87-108
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• 2002

According to Neo-liberalism, the privatization of social security systems is pivotal for a country's economic growth and the wellbeing of its people, because such systems hinder the full operation of the market, eventually leading the national economy to collapse. The Chilean case of pension privatization is often cited as a good evidence for the Neo-liberal argument. Neo-liberalists say that Chile has experienced a rapid economic growth and retirees have enjoyed a much more pension payment since the national pension system was successfully privatized in 1981. The primary purpose of this article is to provide a critical review on the results of the Chilean pension privatization reform implemented in 1981. This study is intended to give an objective understanding of the reform because the existing evaluations, particularly those from the neo-liberalism, over-emphasize the bright sides of the reform. for this purpose, this article will pay a particular attention to the change in the level of pension payment after the reform. The conclusion of this study is that, contrary to the argument of Neo-liberalism, the pension reform has lowered the level of pension payment and, compared to the old public pension, has made the lives of ordinary retirees less secure. Reorganization of the social security system is more desirable than privatization as a remedy for the current problems of the welfare state.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.247-265
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• 2014

In this paper I will undertake three tasks: first, to identify the difference between John Rawls's liberal conception of liberty and Will Kymlicka's; second, to briefly examine the problems with liberal conception of liberty; finally, to propose a certain alternative that will be able to make liberal conception of liberty more meaningful In Kymlicka's view, Rawls seems to fail to make the best defence of freedom of choice because he wants to explain of individual freedom on the basis of Kant's moral theory about liberty. Kymlicka thinks that it is not a desirable way of defending liberal conception of liberty. According to his liberal theory, Rawls's defence of freedom of choice might make us think that we should have our freedom of choice for its own sake because freedom is the most valuable in the world. So Kymlicka wants to provide stronger argument to defend freedom of choice in liberalism. He insists that it is our projects and tasks that are most important things in our lives. Furthermore, he argues that we should conceive our freedom of choice as a precondition for pursuing those projects and practices that are valued for our good lives. Now I want to look at two concepts of liberty in liberalism with Rawls's theory and Kymlicaka's. In this paper, I shall look at criticisms of the liberal account of freedom of choice. These would give us a certain chance for understanding true freedom.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.11
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• pp.733-745
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• 2013

This article aims to look into the education policy of the civilian government, the practical government, the participatory government and the government of the people after the military government, and then to investigate characteristics and problems to neo-liberalism, which was an common education innovation policy of past government. This study tries to suggest a far-sighted national policy of education the present government should orient. Futhermore, the article presents 'humanistic philosophy of education' as a new paradigm of a future education. This means balanced humanistic education policy, not disintegrated education in which excellence and equality take different paths.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.250-266
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• 2012

In neo-liberalism, the change-value of the market and of the machandise based on the individual as the consumer dominate the public sphere, and the capital power encroach on it. with the technological revolution. At the same time the public sphere as such represent the media sphere, which is more and more subordinate, and have no choice but to do to the governmental authority having political power privatized. The private usage of reason in the public sphere is carried out at the structual level. How can we call such a space in which the private usage of reason is generalized and dominant as the public sphere? And so now, we sound out the possibility of the public sphere such as a new space of the universality where the public usage of reason can be realized without any limits and with free. So, when we imagine the proletarian public sphere, in which co-exist the divers private interests, as a new public sphere capable to be constructed, we can address a question as follow. What is the caracteristic of the proletarian public sphere in modern society?, Is the public community able to be formed and realized in such space? How would have the proletarian public sphere the carateristics of the publis sphere? What is the attribute of the community that the proletarian public sphere would make, and what is its force of emancipation? The power is no longer stable and static. Rather, it is reconstructed and reorganized in the divers phases of the everyday life. It is the reason why we put on the order of the day the proletarian public sphere as alternative public space, which would be a place of divers hegemonic representation. And now, we are aware of the beginning of thses changes.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.