• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.203-240
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• 2011

Ahn Jaihong tries to establish a unified nation state with Dasarism through which conflicts of right and left could be sublated. Dasarism has two features; one is nationalism and the other is centrism. His nationalism recognizes national identity and national sovereignty as two faces of one coin and sublates nationalism and globalism. His centrism is thought to be a route to true democracy which can sublate liberalism and communism and a route to nation's sovereignty. However, his dasarism did not make any impact on political reality of that day. Its today's value must reside in its proposals to harmonize nation and world, and to protect the social weak, and to pursue a central route of reunification.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.187-214
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• 2010

This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.89-108
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• 2023

Science, technology and innovation (STI) has expanded the activity of actors from the traditional physical territory to the cyberspace. Data-driven platform services and markets advance new discussions on cross-border cooperation and cyber security, as well as discourse on sovereignty in cyberspace. These changes are also affecting the hegemony competition between the US and China. In particular, competition for aid to developing countries that are located along major resource transportation routes, such as natural gas and deep sea resources, is fierce. ASEAN is not only a geopolitical military and security point where the US and China powers collide, but its population of 600 million has great potential for the development of the digital economy due to its data resources. In this regard, this article aims to connect the discourse of liberalism and authoritarianism with data regulation and cybersecurity in international development cooperation, and derive implications for ASEAN integration through this. This study has significance as a convergence study that links international political issues related to big data in terms of global governance.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.14 no.8
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• pp.137-144
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• 2009

On July 23th, 2009, the newly-revised copyright law was reflected the free trade agreement which occurred between the United States and the Republic of Korea. The agreement is expected to have positive effects such as competition as well as the social efficiency in the field of intellectual property. Nevertheless, Korean government should pay much costs, Therefore, we should minimize the cost in a short run and maximize the benefits we could obtain out of the agreement in a long run. However, we are not prepared to improve economic value of the intellectual property rights. Specifically, it should be noted that the aspects of law execution to protect not only the intellectual property rights. If we manage to get the utmost out of the agreement, we could be going through the transition from a consumer nation of intellectual properties to a producer nation.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.7 no.6
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• pp.937-945
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• 2017

Economy of Communion (EoC) is an emerging economic principle that recognizes the dilemma of traditional perspectives and turns to human centered values and ideas. Furthermore the EoC encompasses all the principles derives from free market economy, ethical norm and social solidarity. This study aims to understand Economy of Communion concepts and its ripple effects under current Korean economy condition which mainly follows Neo-liberalism. Korean economy needs new paradigm to deal with intensifying economical inequality in Korea these days. By understanding EoC's primary value and studying research cases and Sungsimdang, Seokwangsa one of EoC enterprise cases in Korea, this study suggests new economic paradigm. In response to the needs, two important practices should be manifested through fraternity: 1) mutural equity, and 2) dissemination of giving culture. These are construct the economy of communion, which is defined as unique humanism. This study is also expected to suggest new paradigm that establishes new economy system that can cover current economy system's problems.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.84
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• pp.243-274
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to study the community narrative ethics of China·Taiwan film. in the context of globalization and locality. I especially wish to look this part through narrative·hermenutical approach and communitarian ethics against contemporary liberalism and individualism. In particular, this article focuses on the works of Hou Hsiao-Hsien, Zhang Yimou, Lee Ang, Tsai Ming-Liang, Chang Tso-chi and Chen Kaige. China and Taiwan's main directors show family and country's community narratives through the self understanding and identification that we call narrative conception of the self. The idea of local community and identity is related with inheritances, history and tradition from the past of my family, my city, my tribe, my nation. Main directors make and have the story of those communities which I derive my identity. And community narratives from the life histories that define us form local community's solidarity should have the openness to other communities. Community narratives shouldn't be separated from the aspect of globalization and locality. After all, I examined whether the local community narratives reveals meaningfully from the standpoint of globalization and locality through China·Taiwan film.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.447-467
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• 2009

Lakoff's (2002) 'nation-as-family' metaphor suggests that conservatism and liberalism in the United States are based respectively on two different sets of morality, i.e., "strict father" morality and "nurturant parents" morality. He argues that values associated with respective metaphors and political principles derived from them tend to determine certain political attitudes and policy endorsement. Using the priming technique, this study attempted to examine whether "strict father" and "nurturant parents" morality are indeed what underlie very different positions conservatives and liberals take towards people in need. The results supported the Lakoff's idea and demonstrated that, compared to priming "nurturant parents" morality, priming "strict father" morality actually led people to derogate character of those in need and to attribute more responsibility onto them for their economic predicament. This research leads us to reconsider what constitutes politically conservative and liberal attitudes and emphasizes the malleability of political attitudes.

• Annals of Occupational and Environmental Medicine
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• v.35
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• pp.10.1-10.10
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• 2023

The purpose of this paper was to review the problems relating to Korea's occupational health services and suggest ways to improve them. Korea can be classified as a welfare state type of conservative corporatism partially interwoven with liberalism. While experiencing compressed economic growth, the economic sectors of developed (excess areas) and developing (deficient areas) countries are interwoven. Therefore, it is necessary to perfect conservative corporatism along with a complementary reinforcement of liberal contents and to apply a multilayered approach focusing on complementing the deficient areas. It is essential to form a national representative indicator related to occupational health, and a strategy for selection and concentration is needed. The proposed central indicator is the occupational health coverage rate (OHCR), which is the number of workers who have applied for mandatory occupational health services under the Occupational Safety and Health Act in the numerator with the total working population in the denominator. This paper proposes ways to raise the OHCR, which is currently at the level of 25%-40%, to 70%-80%, which is the level of Japan, Germany, and France. To achieve this target, it is necessary to focus on small businesses and vulnerable workers. This is an area of market failure and requires the active input of community-oriented public resources. For access to larger workplaces, the marketability of services should be strengthened and personal intervention using digital health resources should be actively attempted. Taking a national perspective, work environment improvement committees with tripartite (labor, management, and government) participation for improvement of the working environment need to be established at the center and in the regions. Through this, prevention funds linked to industrial accident compensation and prevention could be used efficiently. A national chemical substance management system must be established to monitor the health of workers and the general public.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.53
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• pp.31-49
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• 2003

Neo-liberalism, the most influential ideology in the current world, argues for the commercialization of social security programs and for the dissolution of the interventionist welfare state. From the neo-liberal viewpoint, social services become more efficient and more advantageous for recipients, when provided by the market, not by the state. It is also argued that the welfare of all social members is best secured when the market freely operates without any interference from the state. From the neo-liberal point of view, an argument was raised to commercialize the state-administered Workers' Compensation program of Korea in the mid-1990s. This argument was faced with strong resistances from labor unions and social welfare circles, and has disappeared since the economic breakdown and the restructuring of Korean society during the late 1990s. Butr, such an argument can emerge anytime as the nee-liberal ideology become more powerful. This article aims to examine the neo-liberal argument that the privatization of social security programs, through an increases in efficiency, improves the interests of the recipients as well as the whole society. For this, this article attempts to analyze the Workers' Compensation programs of the USA, which, from state to state, are administered by the state government or by private insurance companies. This study can serve as an effective critique for the neo-liberal argument, if it finds that state-administered Workers' Compensation programs are more efficient than those managed by insurance companies. This article's another aim is to assess the controversies over the privatization of the Workers' Compensation program of Korea during the mid to late 1990s. The controversies were more about which viewpoint is right and, in most cases, lacked empirical evidence. This study shall empirically criticize the argument for the privatization of the Workers' Compensation program.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.123
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• pp.57-86
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• 2012

Many contemporary philosophers argue that modern philosophy is only the philosophy being imprisoned in subject and consciousness without communicating other subjects with language. They criticize that it is solipsistic. Today, those who are taking part in the communication theory, hermeneutics, and de-constructivism are trying to overcome this problem. The practical philosophers, especially those who advocate communintarianism criticize that modern libertarianism is not free from the isolated autonomy and breaks the solidarity of the traditional community with treating formally others. They criticize Kant's philosophy in the same way. But it is unreasonable. Because Kant was not the philosopher who pursued the same philosophy of subjectivity and liberalism as the earlier modern philosophers pursued. He tried to criticize its limits and overcome them. Especially he did not remain within the modern subjectivity, but rather tried to come up with the inter-subjectivity communicating between subjects. He showed this side through the 'sensus communis'. He thought of a judgement of taste as an effect resulting from the free play between imagination and understanding, and postulated the 'sensus communis' as a ground of the universal validity of this judgement. Therefore this 'sensus communis' is the subjective principle of a judgement of taste. Furthermore, he did not treat this 'sensus communis' merely as a self-relation of a subject, but rather developed it into an communicative relation among subjects. This position of Kant enables us to seek the harmony between the aesthetic sphere and social-moral sphere, and to overcome the conflicts between the autonomy of the liberalism and the solidarity of the communitarianism. Especially, his 'sensus communis' can be developed into the 'critical hermeneutics' and the 'relational autonomy'. Therefore his 'sensus communis' has the possibility to overcome the negative points of the traditional community and the modern community, and to overcome the conflicts among the isolated selves occurring in today's society. Hence Kant's 'sensus communis' has still the important values in the contemporary philosophy, especially in the practical philosophy being now discussed over the relation between autonomy and solidarity.