• Anatomy & Biological Anthropology
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.121-131
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• 2018

Stature is one of the unique biological properties of a person, which can be used for identification of the individual. In this regard, statures are estimated for the unknown victims from crimes and disasters. However, the accuracy of estimates may be compromised by inappropriate methodologies and/or practices of stature estimation. Discussed in this study are the methodological issues related to the current practices of forensic anthropological stature estimation in Korea, followed by suggestions to enhance the accuracy of the stature estimates. Summaries of forensic anthropological examinations for 560 skeletal remains, which were conducted at the National Forensic Service (NFS), were reviewed. Mr. Yoo Byung-eun's case is utilized as an example of the NFS's practices. To estimate Mr. Yoo's stature, Trotter's (1970) femur equation was applied even though the fibula equation of a lower standard error was available. In his case report, the standard error associated with the equation (${\pm}3.8cm$) was interpreted as an 'error range', which gave a hasty impression that the prediction interval is that narrow. Also, stature shrinkage by aging was not considered, so the estimated stature in Mr. Yoo's case report should be regarded as his maximum living stature, rather than his stature-at-death. Lastly, applying Trotter's (1970) White female equations to Korean female remains is likely to underestimate their statures. The anatomical method will enhance the accuracy of stature estimates. However, in cases that the anatomical method is not feasible, the mathematical method based on Korean samples should be considered. Since 1980's, effort has been made to generate stature estimation equations using Korean samples. Applying the equations based on Korean samples to Korean skeletal remains will enhance the accuracy of the stature estimates, which will eventually increase the likelihood of successful identification of the unknowns.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.277-312
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• 2018

First-order cybernetics during the 1940s and 1950s aimed for control of an observed system, while second-order cybernetics during the mid-1970s aspired to address the mechanism of an observing system. The former pursues an objective, subjectless, approach to a system, whereas the latter prefers a subjective, personal approach to a system. Second-order observation must be noted since a human observer is a living system that has its unique cognition. Maturana and Varela place the autopoiesis of this biological system at the core of second-order cybernetics. They contend that an autpoietic system maintains, transforms and produces itself. Technoscientific recreation of biological autopoiesis opens up to a new step in cybernetics: what I describe as third-order cybernetics. The formation of technoscientific autopoiesis overlaps with the Fourth Industrial Revolution or what Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee call the Second Machine Age. It leads to a radical shift from human centrism to posthumanity whereby humanity is mechanized, and machinery is biologized. In two versions of the novel Demon Seed, American novelist Dean Koontz explores the significance of technoscientific autopoiesis. The 1973 version dramatizes two kinds of observers: the technophobic human observer and the technology-friendly machine observer Proteus. As the story concludes, the former dominates the latter with the result that an anthropocentric position still works. The 1997 version, however, reveals the victory of the techno-friendly narrator Proteus over the anthropocentric narrator. Losing his narrational position, the technophobic human narrator of the story disappears. In the 1997 version, Proteus becomes the subject of desire in luring divorcee Susan. He longs to flaunt his male egomaniac. His achievement of male identity is a sign of technological autopoiesis characteristic of third-order cybernetics. To display self-producing capabilities integral to the autonomy of machinery, Koontz's novel demonstrates that Proteus manipulates Susan's egg to produce a human-machine mixture. Koontz's demon child, problematically enough, implicates the future of eugenics in an era of technological autopoiesis. Proteus creates a crossbreed of humanity and machinery to engineer a perfect body and mind. He fixes incurable or intractable diseases through genetic modifications. Proteus transfers a vast amount of digital information to his offspring's brain, which enables the demon child to achieve state-of-the-art intelligence. His technological editing of human genes and consciousness leads to digital standardization through unanimous spread of the best qualities of humanity. He gathers distinguished human genes and mental status much like collecting luxury brands. Accordingly, Proteus's child-making project ultimately moves towards technologically-controlled eugenics. Pointedly, it disturbs the classical ideal of liberal humanism celebrating a human being as the master of his or her nature.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.227-234
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• 2022

Seok Jeon Hwang Wook (18913~1999), a descendant of a traditional literary writer in the western part of Honam, did not join the flow of modern and contemporary calligraphy and painting. And throughout his life, he enjoyed himself without losing the appearance of a scholar, immersed himself in traditional calligraphy, and gained spotlight at his late age for his original hand grabbing calligraphy. Immediately after the Korean War, all of his property was lost due to his two sons' left-wing activities, causing great pain at home. Even in the most painful and difficult time in human history, he relied on brushes, poetry, and gayageum to keep his upright scholarly spirit and national love. And beyond the pleasures of the worldly senses, he played with self-satisfaction in the 'true pleasure(大樂)' without greed. In the course of his studies, he focused on honing the fonts of Wang Hui-ji, Gu Yang-sun, An Jin-gyeong, Jo Maeng-bu, and Xin-wi and Lee Sam-man without a special teacher. In particular, he faced a crisis of having to give up his brush due to tremor that came after his 60th birthday, but he showed a strong will. He transformed it into a new style of art, such as developing hand grabbing calligraphy(握筆法) with a strong and strong energy that no one could match. From 1965 to 1983, 'right hand grabbing calligraphy' was used, and from 1984 to 1993, 'left hand grabbing calligraphy' was used. She made her name as a calligrapher widely known in 1973 (age 76) with her first solo exhibition, The Calligraphy Exhibition commemorating her 60th wedding anniversary. His writing method is naturally rough and sloppy by breaking away from the previous calligraphy methods and artificial technique, and is unfamiliar yet full of muscle. And the calm, strong and rough chuhoegsa(錐劃沙) and the heavy yet majestic ininni(印印泥) individual handwriting expressed a strange feeling and achieved original Seokjeon calligraphy that went beyond the existing calligraphy writing methods, and his indomitable calligraphy spirit was As a unique existence in the history of calligraphy, he still remains as a model.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.5
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• pp.255-262
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• 2023

In the early 20th century, Yeomjae Song Tae-hoe (念齋 宋泰會, 1872-1941), a disciple and onetime adopted son of teacher Song Su-myeon(宋修勉, 1847-1916), moved to Gochang and laid the foundation for Gochang calligraphy and painting, and it can be seen that a full-fledged flow began. Yeomjae Song Tae-hoe was a scholar and calligrapher of the late Joseon Dynasty and modern period from Hwasun, Jeollanam-do. He is a person who created the foundation of Gochang calligraphy and painting while working as an educator in Chinese literature, calligraphy, and painting, mainly in his hometown of Hwasun and Gochang, while engaging in creative activities. He was intelligent from a young age and showed an extraordinary talent for calligraphy. At the age of 16, he passed the Jinsa exam (童蒙進士) and became the youngest student to study at Sungkyunkwan. He was active by holding exhibitions nationwide based in Gochang and Jeonju, and was also an educator who fostered younger students by establishing Gochang High School (currently, Gochang Middle and High School) to cultivate national spirit and history. Yeomjae drew strong and healthy landscape paintings under the absolute influence of the painting style of Saho Song Su-myeon, and dealt with various materials of southern school literati paintings such as flowers and birds and four plants. In particular, he is a representative calligrapher who encompasses the early modern era and the modern era in that he expressed his interest in new cultural artifacts as well as the realization of a modern-oriented realistic landscape based on Korean natural beauty. He laid the foundation for modern and contemporary calligraphy and painting. Goam Lee Eung-no (顧菴 李應魯, 1904-1989), a world-renowned painter, learned the basics of ink painting from Yeomjae in his late teens.However, compared to his various artistic and social activities, it is regrettable that he is limited and evaluated as a local writer.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."