• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2011.05a
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• pp.8-9
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• 2011

On 4 September 2010 an earthquake of magnitude 7.1 on the Richter scale occurred on the Canterbury Plains in the South Island of New Zealand. The Canterbury Plains are an area of extensive groundwater and spring fed surface water systems. Since the September earthquake there have been several thousand aftershocks (Fig. 1), the largest being a 6.3 magnitude quake which occurred close to the centre of Christchurch on 22February 2011. This second quake caused extensive damage to the city of Christchurch including the deaths of 189 people. Both of these quakes had marked hydrological impacts. Water is a vital natural resource for Canterburywith groundwater being extracted for potable supply and both ground and surface water being used extensively for agricultural and horticultural irrigation.The groundwater is of very high quality so that the city of Christchurch (population approx. 400,000) supplies untreated artesian water to the majority of households and businesses. Both earthquakes caused immediate hydrological effects, the most dramatic of which was the liquefaction of sediments and the release of shallow groundwater containing a fine grey silt-sand material. The liquefaction that occurred fitted within the empirical relationship between distance from epicentre and magnitude of quake described by Montgomery et al. (2003). . It appears that liquefaction resulted in development of discontinuities in confining layers. In some cases these appear to have been maintained by artesian pressure and continuing flow, and the springs are continuing to flow even now. In spring-fed streams there was an increase in flow that lasted for several days and in some cases flows remained high for several months afterwards although this could be linked to a very wet winter prior to the September earthquake. Analysis of the slope of baseflow recession for a spring-fed stream before and after the September earthquake shows no change, indicating no substantial change in the aquifer structure that feeds this stream.A complicating factor for consideration of river flows was that in some places the liquefaction of shallow sediments led to lateral spreading of river banks. The lateral spread lessened the channel cross section so water levels rose although the flow might not have risen accordingly. Groundwater level peaks moved both up and down, depending on the location of wells. Groundwater level changes for the two earthquakes were strongly related to the proximity to the epicentre. The February 2011 earthquake resulted in significantly larger groundwater level changes in eastern Christchurch than occurred in September 2010. In a well of similar distance from both epicentres the two events resulted in a similar sized increase in water level but the slightly slower rate of increase and the markedly slower recession recorded in the February event suggests that the well may have been partially blocked by sediment flowing into the well at depth. The effects of the February earthquake were more localised and in the area to the west of Christchurch it was the earlier earthquake that had greater impact. Many of the recorded responses have been compromised, or complicated, by damage or clogging and further inspections will need to be carried out to allow a more definitive interpretation. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to provisionally conclude that there is no clear evidence of significant change in aquifer pressures or properties. The different response of groundwater to earthquakes across the Canterbury Plains is the subject of a new research project about to start that uses the information to improve groundwater characterisation for the region. Montgomery D.R., Greenberg H.M., Smith D.T. (2003) Stream flow response to the Nisqually earthquake. Earth & Planetary Science Letters 209 19-28.

• Journal of The Korean Ophthalmological Society
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• v.60 no.2
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• pp.144-151
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• 2019

Purpose: Intravitreal aflibercept, ranibizumab, bevacizumab, and dexamethasone are the most widely used drugs in the treatment of diabetic macular edema (DME). The aim of this study was to compare the efficacy and safety of anti-vascular endothelial growth factors and dexamethasone for the treatment of DME. Methods: There were nine previous systematic reviews on this topic; we updated these high-quality reviews. Seven studies were added to two studies following a literature search. Efficacy outcomes were 1) average improvement in visual acuity, 2) proportion of patients who experienced an improvement in vision (an increase in best-corrected visual acuity (BCVA) of ${\geq}15$ in the Early Treatment Diabetic Retinopathy Study [ETDRS]), and 3) proportion of patients who experienced worsening vision (a decrease in BCVA of ${\geq}15$ in the ETDRS). Safety outcomes included systemic adverse events and ocular-related adverse events. Results: The mean difference in the BCVA for ranibizumab versus bevacizumab treatment was 0.16 (95% confidence interval [CI]: -0.02, 0.34), and that for ranibizumab versus aflibercept was -0.08 (95% CI: -0.26, 0.10). The mean difference in the change of BCVA for aflibercept versus ranibizumab was -0.20 (95% CI: -0.40, -0.01), and that for aflibercept versus bevacizumab was -0.34 (95% CI: -0.53, -0.14). Other efficacy outcomes showed similar trends, and there was no significant difference between treatments. There was also no significant difference in both systemic and ocular adverse events rates between the treatments. Conclusions: In DME patients, the efficacy of aflibercept was found to be higher with respect to BCVA changes compared with ranibizumab or bevacizumab. However, there were no significant difference in terms of visual acuity improvement or visual acuity of more than 15 letters, nor in terms of anti-vascular endothelial growth factors (as a safety outcome).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.35-67
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• 2017

This paper examines the petition to the king of Doam(陶菴) Leejae(李縡), one of the key figures of 18th century. He wrote a total of 49 he petition to the king, mostly resignation petition to the king. He emphasized the genuine feelings and emphasized the accurate persuasion logic when he was writing a petition to the king. It is not contradictory to these elements, looking at his actual situation he wrote. He wrote the resignation petition to the king three times to resign Daejehak (大提學), he changed his persuasion logic in each of the resignation petition to the king. We can look at the aspect of transforming persuasion logic on the same topic. His resignation petition to the king, for the first time, was particularly well structured in terms of composition, and used a proper accent method. His resignation petition to the king has the beautiful literary art of gomun(古文), such as the expression of the so-called munjongjasoon(文從字順) and the composition of paragraph organically corresponding. The best work of his resignation petition to the king is Maneonso(萬言疏). The contents criticized Yeongjo(英祖)'s tangpyeongchaek(蕩平策) while evaluating Sinimoksa(辛壬獄事). It consists of a total of 5,300 letters. This work repeatedly used the irony, the method of seolui(設疑), and the incremental method to criticize the tangpyeongchaek(蕩平策), and put Yeongjo(英祖)'s position to the corner. This work is an example of other the resignation petition to the king.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.445-473
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• 2018

This article deals with the reason for translating Korean Chinese written classics and the image of the person performing the translation. The scope of the research was restricted to South Korea and the translation value of translating the Korean classical texts from the 1960s to the 2018. In the 1960s and 1970s, the discourse of national culture and the Classical Sinology(漢學) discourse centered around the Minjokmunwhachujinhwe(民族文化推進會, National Culture Promotion Association). The discourse of the national culture was paired with the modernization, and the discourse of Classical Sinology(漢學) discourse was a certain antagonism to the discourse of modernization. The translator stereotype in this periods was close to a Classical Sinology(漢學) who could wright Korean letters. The discourse of the national culture led to the establishment of The Academy of Korean Studies by pairing with the discourse of the spiritual culture, and then changed into Korean study discourse in the 1980s. Since the mid 80s, the theory of translation has been introduced byo Kim Yong-ok. The translation of the Chosun dynasty annals, which started in the 70s, made the classical translation discourse in the classical translation field into the national project efficiency discourse. To the Early achievement of state-led gigantic project through group translation, they emphasized coherence and efficiency. On the contrary, the individuality of the translators and aspects of in-depth research have weakened. This discourse also influenced until the early 2000s. These large translation projects were produced by professional translator group. With the establishment of the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics(Hankuk Kojon Bunyukwon) in 2007, he foundation for the stability of the classical translation business was established, and the classical translation discourse was shifted to the academic discourse centered on classical translation sudies. This discussion was expanded to the request of the establishment of an academic institution called the Classical Translation Graduate School, with a discussion on the academic identities of classical translation studies. The imagies of translators, paired with the academic discourse of this period, and that the classical translators must be classical scholars and translators, are begun to be requested. Thus, the classical translation value discourse changed with the passage of time, and the imagies of classical translators have been changed accordingly.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.289-319
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• 2011

Chutzu has established a theory of human mind and moral mind(人心道心說) by quoting the key of cultivation of mind comprised of sixteen letters(十六字心法) to a preface of Zhongyong(中庸章句序) and making comments on the key. Chutzu's theory of human mind and moral mind explains the supervision of mind that materializes chung-ho(中和), which is the core theme of Zhongyong(中庸). Supervision of mind is completed by consciousness. Chutzu defines consciousness as 'preparing the principle(理) and practicing the emotion(情)'. So, consciousness derives the reaction from the principle(理) in order to respond to the external stimulation. By being conscious, mind(心) reveals original nature(性) into emotion(情). An aspect that mind(心) keeps original nature prior to the external stimulation is un-awakened(未發). Once stimulation occurs, mind(心) becomes conscious of the principle which is proper to the situation. In sympathetic situation, sympathetic emotion is revealed by being conscious of benevolence(仁). In judgment situation, the emotion which judges right or wrong is revealed by being conscious of wisdom(智). An aspect of revealing the proper emotion relevant to the situation is wakened(已發). Mind(心) keeps all the original nature of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom(仁義禮智). It supervises original nature and emotion, and reveals chung-ho(中和) by being conscious of the proper principle(理). Moral mind must supervise to accomplish chung-ho(中和), and gewuzhizhi(格物致知) must be done first to enhance the supervision of moral mind. By establishing a theory of human mind and moral mind(人心道心說), Chutzu completes a theory of mind that covers both theories of chung-ho(中和說) and gewuzhizhi(格物致知說).

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.38
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• pp.139-173
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• 2018

In the study of Guunmong, which is one of the representative classical $17^{th}$ century novels of the Joseon Dynasty, interpretations through The Book of Change(Juyeok) have recently emerged. It is necessary to more concretely investigate the themes of the research. The writer Kim man-jung wrote the work in an exile situation. In that time he composed a poem using Chinese letters with meaning connected to The book of Change. In particular, the discourse of Bok-gwae(復卦, ䷗) concentrating on the meaning of recovery might be a basis to construct the inner world of the work. The sentence of 'Bok goes well' in The Book of Change suitably match up with the hero's life in Guunmong. In addition the sentences of 'There is no illness in going and coming. So it will be no faults if friends arriver' can be applied to the meeting between the hero and heroines of Guunmong. The general declarations of The Book of Change are appropriate for explaining the contents of Guunmong. There are six Hyos that make up Gwae. The Hyos, from the first one at the bottom to the fifth one up above, connect to the characters of Guunmong. The phrase of 'Not going far away' regarding to the first Yang Hyo can be connected to Yang So-yu, hero of Guunmong. The phrase of 'Recovering beautifully' with regard to the second Eum Hyo can also be realized in the life of Jeong Gyeong-pae and Ga Chunun, two heroines of the work. The phrase of 'Danger owing to frequently recovering' regarding the third Eum Hyo can be applied to the position of Gye Seom-weol and Jeok Gyeong-hong. The phrase of 'Going middle with recovering alone' regarding the forth Eum Hyo can be matched with Sim Yo-yeon and Baek Reung-pa. The phrase of 'No regrets during an intense recovery' with regard to the fifth Eum Hyo is applicable to Yi So-hwa and Jin Chae-bong. The phrase of 'Boding of a confused recovering' regarding the sixth Eum Hyo is related to the writer's situation. The boding of confused recovering is owing to anti-royal road. The contrast between the royal road and the anti-royal road reflects Confucianism and Buddhism, dream and reality, and Yang So-yu in a dream and Seong Jin, who is same hero, in reality. Moreover, the structure of Guunmong which is organized in the form of reality-dream-reality, has a basis in this contrast. Considering these relationships, we can say the classical novel Guunmong is a fable of Bok-gwae. The work is a hopeful narration of an effective recovery that the writer anticipated in exile.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.167-178
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to analyze the direct investment decision factors in the Kaesong Industrial Complex and Vietnam, and to contribute to the creation of domestic jobs and the revitalization of the inter-Korean economy. According to the analysis, most of the Kaesong Industrial Complex and Vietnamese investment companies are entering the complex for the purpose of utilizing cheap labor, cheap factory locations, sales/development of local markets, and bypass export production bases in third countries. This can be divided into production-efficient investors using differences in production price such as labor costs and market-oriented investors to sell and expand the local market, which seems to be consistent with global direct investment patterns such as Nike, Apple, and Amazon. However, even if the North Korea-U.S. denuclearization talks ease or lift sanctions, Vietnamese investors' willingness to invest in the North Korea has been most burdened by the possibility of closing special economic zones due to political risks. Last but not least, it is important to note that those willing to invest in North Korea are mostly smaller enterprises in textiles, sewing, footwear and leather industries-those that benefit from low-cost labor. Since their size is small, they need policy support in financing, especially in the early stages of their business. Even after they grow past the early stages, those without collateral would still need state guarantee letters to get financing. Thus, it is worth considering to use the Inter-Korean Cooperation Fund to compensate commercial banks for bad loan loss or for low-interest loans for smaller SMEs. The interviews with SMEs found that red-tape is one of the biggest difficulties they face. Thus, it is recommended that a one-stop service agency should be established to cover all processes and issues related to inter-Korean economic cooperation to eliminate redundancy and expediate government support for SMEs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.114-131
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• 2014

The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.32-45
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• 2014

In this study, the characteristics of Mongsimjae in Namwon-si, Jeollabuk-do have been researched focusing on the writings engraved in huge stones and rocks of pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and its formative languages in the garden has been interpreted as follows. Name of pavilion(堂號) Mongsimjae(夢心齋) includes a classical scholar's spirit, refusing to serve two kings and homecoming after resignation from a government office(歸去來) of Songam(松菴) Park Moonsu(朴門壽), an ancestor who has brought to the Juksan(竹山) Park's family again. A pavilion standing beside a lotus pond(蓮塘) built in the reception garden is a gardening facility symbolizing 'Yeondang(蓮堂)' Park Dongsik(朴東式) who built Mongsimjae. The bamboo hill connected to the backyard seems to be relevant to 'Juksan', the family clan of Mongsimjae's owner and this kinds of intention can be found in the bamboos in the outer garden naturally led to inside the garden through the flower beds. The purpose for the western arrangement of the main building and gate contrary to the 'chukjwamihyaug'(丑坐未向; a direction toward to the south-southwest) of the prospect of Sarangchae(guesthouse) is interpreted to naturally attract people's eyes to the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and to mitigate the sense of closure resulting from the huge stones located in the reception garden. Also the writing engraved in the three huge stones, 'Jonsimdae(存心臺)', implies that it is a place where was selected with heart by Juksan Park family who settled down in Homsil, Namwon after 'Haengchon(杏村) Park Jaryang(朴子良)' in Yiphyangjo(入鄕祖), Namwon and 'Jeongwa(靖窩)' is interpreted as a signature representing that it is the most comfortable house where Jeongwa Park Haechang(朴海昌: 1876~1933), the third owner of Mongsimjae, has lived. The pavilion standing beside a lotus pond of the 'Bangjibangdo(方池方島; square pond and square island)' type has no lotus for now and waterside cornerstones roughly piled with broken stones naturally mitigate the slope. There are two water inflows gathering rainwater in the reception garden other than the water inflow of valley and the upper-side water inflow was built using a high waterfall method. The middle island cut into a square was designed to use in two ways, as 'island' or 'steppingstone', according to the water level and the old name of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond was revealed as 'Cheonundam(天雲潭)' from the engraved writing located in the side of the middle island. In addition, 'Imni(臨履)', engraved writing in the finishing stone of waterside by citing a line of 'Sigyeong(詩經)', implies 'Be a upright classical scholar who pays close attention to one's own behaviors' and 'Jeongchuk(渟?)' is interpreted as a message that desires the eternal staying of the Juksan Park family's wealth. Ultimately, the writings engraved in the huge stones and rocks of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond are interpreted as a symbol language that wishes the heaven protects and maintains the wealth of the Juksan Park family who is the owner of Mongsimjae.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.91-106
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• 2018

During the Old Uighur period, many works were translated into Old Uighur under the influence of Buddhism. Among these works, literary works such as $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$ hold an important place. These works were usually translated from Pali to Sanskrit, from Sanskrit to Sogdian, Tocharian and Chinese, and to Old Uighur from these languages. These works which were added to the Old Uighur repertoire by translation indicate that different peoples along the ancient Silk Road had deep linguistic interactions with one another. Aside from these works, other narratives that we have been so far unable to determine whether they were translations, adaptations or original works have also been discovered. The Tale of King Chashtana, which was found in the work titled $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$, is one of the tales we have been unable to classify as a translation or an original work. This tale has never been discovered with this title or this content in the languages of any of the peoples that were exposed to Buddhism along the Silk Road. On the other hand, the person whom the protagonist of this tale was named after has a very important place in the history of India, one of the countries that the Silk Road goes through. Saka Mahakshatrapa Chashtana (or Cashtana), a contemporary of Nahapana, declared himself king in Gujarat. A short time later, Chashtana, having invaded Ujjain and Maharashtra, established a powerful Saka kingdom in the west of India. His descendants reigned in the region for a long time. Another important fact about Chashtana is that coinage minted in his name was used all along the Silk Road. Chashtana, who became a significant historical figure in north western India, inspired the name of the protagonist of a tale in Old Uighur. That it is probable that the tale of King Chashtana is an original Old Uighur tale and not found in any other languages of the Silk Road brings some questions to mind: Who is Chashtana, the hero of the story? Is he related to the Saka king Chashtana in any way? What sort of influence did Chashtana have on the Silk Road and its languages? If this tale which we have never encountered in any other language of the Silk Road is indeed an original tale, why did the Old Uighurs use the name of an important Saka ruler? Is Saka-Uighur contact in question, given tales of this kind? What can we say about the historical and cultural geography of the Silk Road, given the fact that coinage was minted in his name and used along the Silk Road? In this study, I will attempt to answer these questions and share the information we have gleaned about Chashtana the hero of the tale and the Saka king Chashtana. One of the main aim of this study is to reveal the relationship between the narrative hero Chashtana and the Saka king Chashtana according to this information. Another aim of this study is to understand the history of the Saka, the Uighur and the Silk Road and to reveal the relationship between these three important subjects of history. The importance of the Silk Road will be emphasized again with the understanding of these relations. In this way, new information about Chashtana, who is an important name in the history of the India and the Silk Road, will be put forward. The history of the Sakas will be viewed from a different perspective through the Old Uighur Buddhist story.