• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.9
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• pp.170-184
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• 2016

The research is our public rental housing policy are 'Why' Did you no choice but to make the route changes, according to previous governments neo-institutional one fine history of care institutions, Historical analysis method and historical comparison system was complementary to the borders of the principle of hacke to appear (248 hacker, 2004 :) that the path to the model attempts to analyze a mix of evolution. Our country has a high degree of exodus due to industrialization and urbanization have caused and here, by means of side effects to housing was becoming serious social problems. Has this to solve housing problems governments have any policy to take a look at the latest. 5, 16 5,16 Military Coup caused by the advent of the Third Republic ; lack of legitimacy of the regime established, the Korea Housing Corporation randomness that for over the cracks and a consensus on the critical period of Public Rental Housing begins to engage in further studies in this study reported paths of Lee Myung-bak administration during the course of evolution 'of nest housing', and government 'happy homes', Park Geun-hye, a diagnose and address the state of the public rental housing policy by comparison, the next of Public Rental Housing A desirable destination of the study to present.

• Journal of Information Technology Services
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.149-164
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• 2014

The laws and policies governing Korea's game regulations are becoming more and more topics for debate as we enter the Age of Internet. The nature of the basis for Internet regulations and policies are not rooted in freedom of speech or fundamental values of democracy, but rather focused on solving real-world problems such as protection of the youth. Furthermore, the reality is that regulatory devices for keeping the social order such as regulating gambling are being applied directly to games without consideration on the characteristics of Internet gaming, raising concerns that the expansion of constitutional values and innovative empowerment inherent to the Internet are being weakened. The Geun-Hye Park Administration which succeeded Myung-Bak Lee's Administration, even went so far as to implement the so-called "Shutdown Policy", which prohibits access to Internet games during pre-defined time zones and also instigated a time zone selection rule. In order to curb the gambling nature of Internet games, government-led policies such as the mandatory personal identification and prohibition of player selection or in other words mandatory random player selection are being implemented. These institutions can inhibit freedom of speech, which is the basis of democracy, violate the right of equality through unreasonable discrimination between domestic and foreign service providers, and infringe upon the principles of administrative law, such as laws, due process in policies, and balance in among policies and governmental bodies. Going forward, if Korea's Internet game regulations and polices is to develop in a rational manner, regulatory frameworks will need to be designed to protect the nature of the Internet and its innovative values that enable the realization of constitutional values; for example, the Internet acting as the "catalytic media for freedom of expression as a fundamental human right ", which has already been acknowledged by the Korea's Constitutional Court. At the same time, transparent procedures should be put into place that will allow diverse participation of stakeholders including game service providers, game users, the youth and parents in the legislation and enforcement process of regulatory institutions; policies will also need to be transformed to enable not only regulatory laws but also self-regulation system to be established. And in this process, scientific and empirical analysis on the expected effects before introducing regulations and the results of enforcing regulations after being introduced will need to be strengthened.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.37-76
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• 2009

This paper aims-through comparative research on two organizations and use of political process theory-to analyze the historical development of, current issues related to and the characteristics of the new transformation of the Freedom of Information Movements (FOIMs) in South Korea. In the ten years since the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) took effect in 1998, Korean FOIMs have developed along the following course: 'emergence' (1998), 'expansion and extension' (1999-2004), 'institutionalization and retro-institutionalization-' (2005-2008). Specifically, in the early stage of FOIMs, the Freedom of Information (FOI) department of the People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy, established in 1998, had led the FOI movement by initiating reform of the FOI institution and advocating an end to old practices. Paradoxically, however, following the institutional progress of FOI under the Roh Moo Hyun government, the vitality of FOIMs seemed to be weakening. And under the Lee Myung Bak government, which is showing regression in both the FOI institution and practices, the 'dual transformation' of the FOIMs is being led not by old groups but by new ones. The Center for Freedom of Information and Transparent Society(CFOI), which was founded in 2008, has journalists, researchers of archival studies, citizens, lawyers and nongovernmental activists as members. Through its blog style Homepage, countless reports are becoming "open to the public" and "share with the public." And its various civic education programs are interactive bridges which enable mutual communication between the Center and citizens. CFOI is expanding the FOI movement in different ways than the traditional activists such as the FOI department of the PSPD department, which worked through methods such as policy proposals, disclosing information litigation, comments and public statements, and hosting forums. CFOI is leading the 'dual process of transformation' of FOIMs, namely the transformation from an 'advocacy' movement to an 'empowerment' movement and transformation of the FOI movement's framework from "open to the public" to "share with the public."