• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.104-123
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• 2019

Various European countries were active rather early on in the formation and research of Korean ceramics, which are considered a representative genre of Korean art. Of these, England is especially noteworthy due to its relatively large volume of extant archival material related to the procurement of Korean ceramics in modern Britain. The material is important in that it contributes to our understanding of the formation and economic worth of these collections. Especially meaningful are the previously unknown documents dating to the period when institutions such as the British Museum and the Victoria & Albert Museum were most actively collecting Korean ceramics. These documents provide insight into the circumstances-process, prices, standards, perceptions, etc.-of procurement for the Korean ceramics now in British collections. The changes in the perception of Korean ceramics and the intention for forming such collections in modern Britain can be divided into three periods. The first, starting from the late 1870s and ending in the late 1880s, is categorized by the collectors' misguided ideal of Korean ceramics in the absence of a true understanding of the subject. During the late 1880s up until 1910, the Korean ceramics entering British collections were mostly ethnographic in nature and examples of implements used in Koreans' daily lives. Lastly, from 1910 to 1940, Korean ceramics were regarded as art objects to be collected, and Goryeo celadons formed the core of many of the British collections being assembled at the time. As for the matter of collecting standards and processes, the matter is examined through the study of three individuals who visited Korea and acquired Korean ceramics in the early 20th century. After 1910, the British started to make trips to the Far East via boat or the Trans-Siberian Express and purchase Korean ceramics during their travels. It has been confirmed that former bureaucrats were able to acquire 'good and old Goryeo ceramics' at reasonable prices from either tomb robbers or through direct visits to regions where such wares were being excavated. In addition, this study also focuses on the previously unfamiliar company Kavanaugh & Co, which made important sales and provided transport of various objects, including Korean ceramics, to its Western clients. The final part of this study examines the standards of appraisal for the Korean ceramics collected in modern Britain. The main criterion the balance between form and price of the piece. In other words, the best pieces were those that were of superior quality but acquired at the cheapest prices. British collectors particularly valued not only the Goryeo celadons favored by the Japanese but also Joseon ceramics for their innovative form, design, and technique. These standards of aesthetic and form were important factors that influenced the formation of diverse Korean ceramic collections in modern Britain.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.33
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• pp.31-72
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• 2010

At first, I extract materials on folk religion from four encyclopedic literatures of late Chosun dynasty-Lee, Ji-Bong-Ryu-Seol(『芝峯類說』) by Soo-Kwang(李晬光), San-Lim-Kyung-Jae(『山林經濟』) by Hong, Man-Sun(洪萬選), Sung-Ho-Sa-Seol(『星湖僿說』) by Lee-Ik(李瀷), O-Ju-Yeon-Moon-Jang-Jun-San-Go(『五洲衍文長箋散稿』) by Lee, Kyu-Kyung(李圭景), and present these materials by tables. Second, I examined the contents and characters of these materials on folk religion. The conclusions from this research are as follows. ① There are common features and points of difference between these four encyclopedic literatures. One of common features are that all these four are encyclopedic works, but San-Lim-Kyung-Jae is more practical than another three. ② These encyclopedic literatures regard folk religion as a negative culture, because these literatures based on Confucianism. But they did not deny miraculous virtues of folk religion. ③ These encyclopedic literatures give us many informations on gods and spirits of Korean folk religion, i.e. city gods(城隍神)·Yup-Sin(업신)·spirits of disease, god Kim-Bu(金傅大王神)·god Jung-Duk-Yang(鄭得揚)·god of King Kuan-u(關王神)·god Bu-keun(付根神) etc. So I review these gods and spirits referenced in encyclopedic literatures. ④ These encyclopedic literatures show much interest in ghost in common. The reason of interest is that authors of these encyclopedic literatures are all scholars of Sung Confucianism and Sung Confucian was concern about ghost. The Sung Confucianism denied the ghost as personal being whom Korean folk religion regards to a kind of spirits. Instead of beliefs in ghost of folk religion, they insist on the ghost as Ki(氣), a kind of cosmic principle. But these encyclopedic literatures acknowledge some parts of folk religion's beliefs in ghost, because they admit the miraculous virtues of these parts. ⑤ There are many items on divination in these encyclopedic literatures. But they show dual attitude on divinations. The one is negative attitude to divinations on individual destiny and the other one is positive attitude to divinations on agriculture. ⑥ There are also many items on witchcrafts in these encyclopedic literatures. Through these items, I assumed pervasiveness of beliefs on witchcraft at that time. ⑦ Shamans, as religious specialist, are stand on a central position of Korean folk religion. So it is a matter of course that these encyclopedic literatures concerned on Korean shaman. As Confucians, authors of these encyclopedic literatures did not regards shamans as positive one. But they did not deny miraculous virtues of shamans. In spite of these encyclopedic literatures have negative view points to, and include false informations Korean folk religion, I would like to emphasis on importance of these encyclopedic literatures to understand Korean folk religions, especially Korean folk religions of late Yi Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.47-78
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• 2021

This study was written to examine the acceptance of pansori in movies based on pansori, and to explore changes in modern society's perception and expectations of pansori. A pansori is getting the love of the upper and lower castes in the late Joseon period, but loses the status at the time of the Japanese colonial rule and Korean War. In response, the country designated pansori as an important intangible cultural asset in 1964 to protect the disappearance of pansori. Until the 1980s, however, pansori did not gain popularity by itself. After the 2000s, Pansori tried to breathe in with the contemporary public due to the socio-cultural demand to globalize our culture. And now Pansori is one of the most popular cultures in the world today, as the pop band Feel the Rhythm of KOREA shows. The changing public perception of pansori and its status in modern society can also be seen in the mass media called movies. This study explored the process of this change with six films based on pansori, from "Seopyeonje" directed by Lim Kwon-taek in 1993 to the film "The Singer" in 2020. First, the films "Seopyeonje" and "Hwimori" were produced in the 1990s. Both of these films show the reality of pansori, which has fallen out of public interest due to the crisis of transmission in the early and mid-20th century. And in the midst of that, he captured the scene of a singer struggling fiercely for the artistic completion of Pansori itself. Next, look at the film "Lineage of the Voice" in 2008 and "DURESORI: The Voice of East" in 2012. These two films depict the growth of children who perform art, featuring contemporary children who play pansori and Korean traditional music. Pansori in these films is no longer an old piece of music, nor is it a sublime art that is completed in harsh training. It is only naturally treated as one of the contemporary arts. Finally, "The Sound of a Flower" in 2015 and "The Singer" in 2020. The two films constructed a story from Pansori's history based on the time background of the film during the late Joseon Dynasty, when Pansori was loved the most by the people. This reflects the atmosphere of the times when traditions are used as the subject of cultural content, and shows the changed public perception of pansori and the status of pansori.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.56-77
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• 2019

Bi-Seok is a treasure trove of funeral rites and an important cultural asset that can shed light on the historical and social history of calligraphy, but research of the topic is still insignificant. In particular, research on the production method of Bi-Seok remains an unproven field. The production of Bi-Seok can be roughly divided into ma-jeong (refining stone), sculpture, and the Buk-chil (process of engraving letters) process. This article reveals some facts: First, performing ma-jeong to the Sang-Seok, Honyu-Seok, Bi-seok, which are known to be God's things. This process is needed because of the change in the perception of the Honyu-Seok due to the settlement and propagation of Confucian ceremonial rituals in the times of hardship in 1592 and 1636. As the crafting process of ma-jeong did not remain concrete, it was only possible to examine the manufacturing process of Bi-Seok through its materials and tools. Second, the rapid proliferation of Oh-Seok and Sa-jeo-chwi-yong (purchase of things made by private citizens) in the Yeongjo era has great importance in social and cultural history. When the Gang-Hwa-Seok of the commodity were exhausted, the Oh-Seok that was used by Sadebu (upper civil class) were used in the tomb of Jangneung, which made Oh-Seok popular among people. In particular, the use of Oh-Seok and the Ma-Jeong process could minimize chemical and physical damage. Third, the writing method of the Bi-seok is Buk-chil. After Buk-Chil of Song Si-Yeol was used on King Hyojong's tomb, the Buk-Chil process ( printing the letters on the back of the stone and rubbing them to make letters) became the most popular method in Korea and among other East Asian countries, and the fact that it was institutionalized to this scale was quite impressive. Buk-Chil became more sophisticated by using red ink rather than black ink due to the black color that results from Oh-Seok. Fourth, the writing method changes in the late Joseon Dynasty. Until the time of Yeongjo's regime, when inscribing, the depth of the angle was based on the thickness of the stroke, thus representing the shade. This technique, of course, did not occur at every Pyo-Seok or Shindobi, but was maintained by outstanding artisans belonging to government agencies. Therefore, in order to manufacture Bi-Seok, Suk-seok, YeonJeong, Ma-jeong, Jeong-Gan, ChodoSeoIp, Jung-Cho, Ip-gak, Gyo-Jeong, and Jang-Hwang, a process was needed to make one final product. Although all of these methods serve the same purpose of paying respects and propagandizing the great work of deceased persons, through this analysis, it was possible to see the whole process of Pyo-Seok based upon the division of techniques and the collaboration of the craftsmen.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.36-48
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• 2010

The objectives of this study are to research and analyze the positioning of Mt. Back Hwa(白華山) and the characteristics of its neighboring cultural scenery based on the Two Seated Buddah Temple, a small Buddhist temple of Taeul in Taean and to view both landscape geographic codes and religious attractions over Mt. Back Hwa by discussing its expression and meaning for the scenery scattered or nested over this districts. The panoramic view of west shows the character of Mt. Back Hwa as a magnanimity of Buddhist Goddess of Mercy which is viewed as a view point field no less than its location as a landscape target and its singularity as a rocky mountain. The ancient castle, signal beacon post and the small Buddhist temple of Taeul to be read importantly in the old map and SinjeungDongkukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽) form the core of place identity, and a number of carve(engrave) letters such as Eopungdae(御風臺), Youngsadae(永思臺), etc. show the prospect of this mountain and monumentality derived from place characteristics. In addition removing of Taeiljeon, a portrait scroll of Dangun, national ancestor makes possible to guess the national status hold by Mt. Back Hwa in advance and to know that it has symbiotic relationship with indigenous religion and shares with the universal locality which have been continued for a long time through a portrait scroll of Dangun enshrined in Samsunggak. More than anything else, however the Rock-carved Buddha Triad in Taean, Giant Buddha of Baekjae era enshrined in the small Buddhist temple of Taeul is not only why Mt. Back Hwa, magnanimity of Buddhist Goddess of Mercy exists but also a signifier. In spite of such a placity, the union ideas of confucianism, buddhism and doctrinism of buddhism prevailed in the Late Joseon Dynasty allows the cultural phenomenon of taoism to be read in the same weight through Ilsogae(一笑溪) and Gammodae(感慕臺) which are mountain stream and pond area respectively centered in the carve letter, 'Taeeuldongcheon(太乙洞天)' constructed in front of the small Buddhist temple of Taeul, the Baduk board type of rock carvings engraved over them and a number of traces of carve letters made by confucian scholars since the Middle of Joseon Dynasty. The reason such various cultural sceneries are mixed in Mt. Back Hwa is in the results of inheritance of religious places and fusion of sprit of the times, and the various type of cultural scenery elements scattered in Mt. Back Hwa are deemed as unique geographic code to understand the multi-layered placity and the characteristics of scenery of Mt. Back Hwa in Taean.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.37-47
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• 2018

This study was attempted to understand present status and characteristics of landscape components of the domestic Korean Gugokwonlim created by the classical scholars in the Joseon Dynasty. The results are as follows. First, Distribution of Gukokwonlim in Korea shows that 55(51.4%) are located in Daegu and Gyeongsangbuk-do, and 22(20.56%) are located in Chungcheongbuk-do. Concentrated locations of Gugok are on the part of Baekdudaegan, from Sobaeksan mountain to Sokrisan mountain via Wolaksan mountain, and the Nakdong River basin of the Nakdong vein in the right bank. This consideration seems to be closely related to the academy of Yeongnam Confucianism and the their trend of Wonrim enjoyment. Second, according to the result of examining the distribution of Gugok according to the basic local government authority, The biggest number of the Gugok places(10 places, 9.35%) are located in Andong, which is called 'the capital of Korean spiritual culture.' Additionally in order, 9 places(9.45%) is located in Goesan, 8 places(7.48%) in Mungyung, 6 places(5.61%) in Bonghwa, and 5 places(4.67%) in Yeongju. Third, in order to the creating time of Gugokwonlim, 33 (33.0%) were created in $18^{th}$ century, and other 33 (33.0%) were created in $19^{th}$ century. In addition, 14 were created during $20^{th}$ century, while 13 were created in $17^{th}$ century. And 4 were created in $16^{th}$ century. Respectively. great number of $18^{th}$ and $19^{th}$ centuries shows that many(66.0%) Gugokwonrim were created between late 18th to 19th centuries. Fourth, There were 97(90.65%) of 'Gugok' in the form of collecting type, and a total number of bottom-up style Gugok were 99(92.5%) while top-down style Gugok were 8(7.5%). Fifth, Among the contents of Gugok, 67 were found in pome of Gugok(64.49%), 29 caved letters in rock(27.10%), and 16 in painting of Gugok(14.95%). Sixth, The most emerged landscape components of Gugok was Dae(臺) 124(13.05%), followed by Am(巖) 115[11.2%, including of Am(岩)] 115(11.2%), and Dam(潭) 73(7.68%), Jeong(亭) 48(5.05%), Dong(洞) 39(4.10%), San(山) 36(3.78%), Am(岩, rocks) 31(3.26 %), Bong(峯, peaks) 27(2.84%), Yeon(淵) 23(2.42%) and Chun(川) and Tan(灘) 22(2.31%). Mostly, common landscape components of Gugok are entrusted natural things. It is expected that more studies about the analysis of characteristics of Gugok's positioning types considering total distance and a gradient are required to understand more clearly characteristics and location distribution of true Gugok and its landscape components.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.70-83
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• 2013

To widen prospect of villa as Korea traditional garden, the result of the research about constructional characteristics of Seogo-jeongsa and Sameun-jeong of Yeoju Lee family at Toero-ri, Miryang-si, Gyeongsangnam-do, Korea, is abstracted as below. Seogo-jeongsa(西皐精舍) and Sameun-jeong(三隱亭) was intended to practise retirement with sense of unity with the head residence, since Seogo-jeongsa was 340m far and sameun-jeong was 630m far away from head residence, which set within 1km. Although Seogo-jeongsa's basic prop, Sameun-jeong's timber, which are both from designer's pen name and head residence name, "Hangjae(恒齋)" and "Yongjae(庸齋)," and Hanseoam have each different exposure, it is homogeneous as space configurational side in order to optimize the gaze leading effect and appreciated domestic trees from the pond, which is center of the garden and the significant facility. Method of direction of Seogo-jeongsa's Hwalsudang(活水塘) and Sameunjeong's pond of Sameun-ji(三隱 池) gets attention by distinction. Especially, directing of 3 step water flow from behind to front and traditional pond method, called Bangji-Bangdo(方池方島), were very unique that any other place can be found. Also, the middle islet on the pond at both villa, which isn't more supper, but more for the symbolic molding that seek a stone pagoda(石假山), is more interesting directing method as considering the relationship of the 3 stone pagoda imageries on the surface of Ghwayukchon(果肉泉) At the same time, Seogo-jeongsa and Sameun-jeong shows very different characteristics from traditional villa that adopted both domestic trees and foreign trees. Particularly, it is extremely exceptional case to plant vigorous needleleaf tree, such as Chamaecyparis pisifera, C. obtusa, Pinus bungeana, P. palustris, Sciadopitys verticillata, Metasequoia glyptostroboides and Cedrus deodara, on Sameun-jeong. Moreover, adopting foreign wild needleleaf trees for landscaping trees, such as a Torreya nucifera, Taxus cuspidata, P. parviflora, and foreign landsacping trees, such as P. bungeana, Cryptomeria japonica and C. obtusa tells planting trend of the late Joseon dysnasty era. Also, as we can know from 2 Jipgyeong(集景), which is 'Seogo-jabyoung 17 young(西皐雜詠十七詠)', and 'Sameun-jeong 12 Gyoung(三隱亭十二景)' which are set on both villa, the intend to expand the garden area is strongly shown by the natural forest directing. As a result, Seogo-jeongsa and Sameun-jeong, located at Toero-li Miryang, are sharing the traditional Joseon dynasty era's custom, such as space and visual composition; however, it is different and attractive garden remains as a point of view of water directing, stone pagodas, and adopting foreign landscaping trees.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.52-77
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• 2016

A spirit tablet of king Guan Yu is enshrined in Donggwanwangmyo shrine[East Shrine of King Guan Yu], which houses 51 hanging boards. The hanging boards were written by the kings of Joseon Dynasty and envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Most studies on hanging boards have been focused on the collections of the palaces but not on those in Donggwanwangmyo shrine. In this regard, this study researches the hanging boards of the kings' writings in the late Joseon period and analyzes their forms and contents. In terms of contents, it examines who made the boards, when they made them, and what brought them to make them, etc. This study analyzes the forms of hanging boards by types, used materials, and periodic transition of forms. The findings are as follows. First, Donggwanwangmyo shrine houses 7 pieces of hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwriting: one piece of King Sukjong, 4 pieces of King Yeongjo, and 2 pieces of Emperor Gojong. They are divided into two types: one is the name of the buildings and the other is the poems that the kings wrote regarding what they felt when they visited the shrine. Especially, the latter were written by the kings who visited the shrine in spring and autumn. The kings intended to promote peace of royal family through a sense of royalty and fidelity of King Guan Yu. Second, the hanging boards of the kings are differentiated from those of the envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in materials and forms. The background of the board is colored by blue, deep red lacquer color, and black lacquer color, which are more expensive than black color or white color. The hanging boards are embossed with the kings' handwritings and then colored with gold. The frame-style four-side hanging board is held at a 45-degree angle and painted with floral patterns and seven-treasure patterns in Dancheong technique. The left and right sides and the top and bottom sides of the board are decorated with Dang-cho pattern(Korean arabesque pattern). This style is called "quadrilateral"and considered the most classy and top-class among the other three ones. In conclusion, this study confirms the status of Donggwanwangmyo shrine with hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwritings as a political space where kings had interest and demanded their soldiers' royalty and fidelity. Research into the boards inscribed with the handwritings of envoys of the Ming Dynasty and generals of the Qing Dynasty, and the comparison of the styles and periodic transition of forms will be reserved for another study.