• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.167-178
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• 2021

For the preservation and efficient content sharing of 5 volumes (2,866 pages) of Yu Kil-Chun's book published in 1971, which provides an important collection of data for the study of modern Korean history during the late 19th century (enlightenment period of Joseon dynasty). The books were purchased and its preservation status investigated and documented electronically by scanning for permanent preservation of content and to determine the condition of preservation at the time of documentation. The degree of deterioration and damage, such as discoloration, hardening, breakage, and damage in these 50 years old modern printed books was quantified through image analysis and made attempts to visualize the damaged areas. It was observed that the degree of deterioration and damage depended on the material and the surface condition of the paper used, the degree of exposure to light, and the storage environment. The comparison of the preservation status at the time of the photographing (or scanning) and judgment as to whether or not the image under investigation was artificially modified was accomplished by comparing the electronically documented images of Seoyugyeonmun (西遊見聞) in Volume 1 of Yu Kil-Chun's works with images provided on other websites. Practical problems encountered while considering the effective preservation of electronically documented data and publicly sharing it, in the course of this study, with other academic researchers around the world were also summarized.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.10
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• pp.161-181
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• 2006

The words which appeared in my theoretical study and work are image transformation to digital painting, simulation, heterologie and transfiguration, etc. Firstly, let's look into 'digital era' or 'new media era'. Nowadays, the image world including painting within the rapid social and cultural change, which is called as digital era, is having the dramatic change. Together with the development of scientific technology, large number of events which was deemed to be impossible is happening as real in image world Moreover, these changes in image world is greatly influencing to our life. The word which compresses this change of image world and shows is 'digital'. Digit, which means fingers in Latin, indicates separately changing signal, and to be more narrow, it indicates the continual signal of '0' and ' 1' in computer. The opposite word is 'analogue'. As analogue is the word meaning 'infer' or 'similarity', it indicates the signal or form which continuously changes along the series of time when it is compared to digital. Instead of analogue, digital is embossed as a major ruler along the whole area of our current culture. In whole culture and art area, and in whole generalscience, digital is appearing as it has the modernism and importance. The prefix, 'digital', e.g. digital media, digital culture, digital design, digital philosophy, etc, is treated as the synonym of modernism and something new. This advent of digital results the innovative change to the image world, creates the new beauty experience which we could not experience before, and forecasts the formation of advanced art and expansion of creative area. Various intellectual activities using computer is developing the whole world with making the infrastructure. Computer in painting work immediately accomplishes the idea of painters, takes part in simulation work, contingency such as abrupt reversal, extraction, twisting, shaking, obscureness, overlapping, etc, and timing to stimulate the creativity of painters, and provides digital formative language which enables new visual experience to the audience. When the change of digital era, the image appeared in my work is shown in 'transfiguration' like drawing. The word, 'transfiguration' does not indicate the completed and fixed real substance but indicate endlessly moving and floating shape. Thus, this concept is opposite to the substantial consideration, so that various concepts which is able to replace this in accordance with the similar cases are also exist such as change, deterioration, mutation, deformity of appearance and morphing which is frequently used in computer as a technical word. These concepts are not clearly classified, and variably and complicatedly related. Transfiguration basically means the denial of "objectivity' and '(continual) stagnation' or deviation from those. This phenomenon is appeared through the all art schools of art ever since the realism is denied in the 19th century. It is called as 'deformation' in case of expressionism, futurism, cubism, etc, in the beginning of the century, which its former indication is mostly preserved within the process of structural deviation and which has the realistic limit which should be preserved. On the contrary, dramatic transfiguration which has been showing in the modern era through surrealism is different in the point that dramatic transfiguration tends to show the deterioration and deviation rather than the preservation of indicated object. From this point, transfiguration coming out from morphing using computer deteriorates and hides the reality and furthermore, it replaces the 'reality'. Moreover, transfiguration is closely approached to the world of fake or 'imaginary' simulation world of Baudrillard. According to Baudrillard, the image hides and deteriorates the reality, and furthermore, expresses 'not existing' to 'imaginary' under the name of transfiguration. Certain reality, that is, image which is absent from the reality is created and overflowed, so that it finally replaces the reality. This is simulation as it is said by Baudrillard. In turn, Georges Bataille discusses about the image which is produced by digital technology in terms of heterologie. Image of heterologie is the visual signal which is established with the media. Image of media is to have the continuous characteristics of produce, extinction, and transformation, and its clear boundary between images becomes meaningless. The meaning of composition, excess, violation, etc of digital image is explained to heterological study or heteologie suggested as important meaning of Georges Bataille who is a heretic philosopher. As the form and image of mutation shows the shape in accordance with mechanical production, heterologie is introduced as very low materialism (or bas materialisme), in this theory. Heterologie as low materialism which is gradually changing is developing as a different concept and analysis because of the change of time in the late 20s century beside high or low meaning. Including my image, all images non-standardizes and transforms the code. However, reappearance and non-standardization of this code does not seem to be simple. The problem of transformation caused by transfiguration which appears in my digital drawing painting, simulation, heterologie, etc, are the continual problems. Moreover, the subject such as existence of human being, distance from the real life, politics and social problems are being extended to actual research and various expressing work. Especially, individual image world is established by digital painting transfiguration technique, and its change and review start to have the durability. The consciousness of observers who look at the image is changing the subject. Together with theoretical research, researchers are to establish the first step to approach to various image change of digital era painting through transfiguration technique using our realistic and historical image.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.83-114
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• 2017

The purpose of this article is to analyze the standings of working-level officials belonging to Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) holding the rank of "jeong" and below between the 18th and mid-19th Century. Jongbusi, which was headed by a Grade-3 official, was in charge of the compilation of royal genealogy and supervision of royal relatives. During the late Joseon Period, its officials were composed of its chief, jeong, jubu (Grade-6 official), and jikjang (Grade-7 official). By 1864, it was incorporated into Jongchinbu (Office of the Royal Relatives). Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan), which is preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies, lists the officials who served at the office between 1794 and its incorporation into Jongchinbu in 1864. The register also includes the officials' ranks, names, DOBs, family clans, their ranks in the offices they were transferred from, their ranks in the office they were transferred to, etc. Those interested view it as a precious relic that provides valuable information on the officialdom of the dynasty. A majority of the officials who served at Jongbusi were those who passed the higher civil service examination. Many of them at the level of jikjang were those who passed the licentiate examination. Their designation as an official was part of the "muneum" system, which granted official posts to descendants of those who accomplished a distinguished service for the country or served as a high-ranking official. They were those transferred from equal or lower positions in another office. Many of jubu-level officials of Jongbusi were those transferred from honorable and important posts of other offices or local administrative offices. Many of jikjang-level officials of Jongbusi were those who previously served as dosa (assistant officials) at Uigeumbu (Bureau of Crime Investigation) headed by a Grade-1 official. The officials' transfer to an office with a lower position like Jongbusi appears to have been for the provision of placing them in working-level positions rather than letting them remain in positions only carrying an honorary title. As for the transfer of officials of Jongbusi to other offices, many of those with the rank of jeong were transferred to lower positions. Supposedly it was because not many Grade-3 positions were vacant. Many of them were transferred to honorable and important posts. Some of them were also transferred to positions at local government offices, supposedly to avoid an excess of personnel at the central government. Those at the level of jubu or jikjang of Jongbusi were transferred to equal or higher posts in other offices. Particularly, most of those holding the position of jikjang (Grade-7) were transferred to higher posts. The family clan that produced the largest number (10%) of Jongbusi officials was the Jeonju Yi Clan, which produced the largest number of those who passed the higher civil service examination. It was also found that the top 20 family clans produced about half of the entirety of Jongbusi officials. According to the aforesaid Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan, about 90% of the cases of promotion of Jongbusi officials occurred after the revision of Seonwon boryak (Royal Genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty). It is speculated that the supervision of royal family members, one of the two leading functions assigned to Jongbusi, was suspended in the late Joseon Period. The relevant function does not appear even in chronicles pertaining to the Joseon Dynasty. The reason being had something to do with the sharp decrease in the number of royal family members during the reign of King Injo (r. 1623-1649). Their number was decreased to the extent that royal ceremonies could not be adequately carried out. Naturally, the meaning of supervising royal family members faded. Witnessing such a sorry state of the royal family, Heungseon Daewongun, King Gojong's father who served as the regent, incorporated Jongbusi into Jongchinbu in an effort to enhance the status and authority of the royal family.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.58-90
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• 1989

This study was attempted to contribute to the development of school health by providing the basic data about the distribution basis and distribution aspect of teachers holding additional school health that are in charge of school health business in parimary schools, middle schools and high schools without any nurse-teacher. This study analyzed literatures about the history, related laws, organization and professional manpower of school health. The emphasis was set on the distribution basis of theachers holding additional school health. The results of this study are as following: 1. The school health of the world dates to the late 18th century in Europe where was free supplying with food for poor children. The school health of Korea orginated from smallpox vaccination which was executed with appearance of modern schools in the late 19th century. 2. The related laws of school health began as a part of Education Law with was constituted in 1949. By the School Health Law constituted in 1967 and the enforcement ordinance of School Health made firm the legal basis of school health. 3. The administrative organs of school health are the Ministry of Education in center and each Board of Education in cities and provinces. For the first time in 1979, the department of school health was established in the organization of the Ministry of Education. And at about the same time of establishment of the department of school health, health section was established in the department of social physical-training in locality. 4. In the manpower of school health which was presented in the related statute of school health, there are the ward chief of education, the superintendent of educational affair, of cities and districts, the mayors, the governors of provinces, the school managers, the principals, the school doctors, the school pharmacists, and the nurse-teachers, including teachers holding additional school health as the practical manpower of school health. 5. In order to get some information on distribution aspect of teachers additional school health, this study made up a questionnaire from August 3 to August 11, 1988. The subjects of this study were 212 leachers who took part in the yearly training for teachers holding additional school health from Kyunggi province, Chungbuk province and Jeonbuk province. The results of the questionnaire are as following: 1. The distribution percentages of teachers holding additional school health according to each Board of Education wich schools are subject to, are as following:70.1% (Kyunggi), 76.5% (Chungbuk), and 81.4% (Jeonbuk). There was a significant difference. The distribution percentages of teachers holding additional school health according to the school levels of 3 provinces are as following: 74.1% (Primary schools), 77.8% (Middle schools), 76.7% (High schools). There were little significant differences. 2. The distribution according to the general characteristics of the subject schools: There were 64.2 percent of primary schools and 35.8 percent of middle schools among 212 schools. 91. 5 percent of schools were located in districts. Public schools formed 55.7% and then national schools were higher in percentage than private schools. 58.5 percent of schools had 1-9 classes, 64.6 percent of schools had 101-500 students, and 90 percents of schools had 1-20 teachers. In considering student sex, the coed school showed the high distribution percentage (Primary schools : 100%, Middle schools: 81.6%). 3. The distribution according to the characteristics of teachers holding additional school health: 93.3 percent of teachers were female, and more than 60 percent of teachers were 20-29 years old. As the age got higher, the percentage became lower. There were little significant differences by marital status. In considering their educational status, 86.8 percent of teachers in primary schools were from teacher's colleges, and 64.5 percent of teachers in middle schools were from education colleges. In considering teaching career, 46.7 percent of teachers had teaching career of less than 2 years. 73.6 percent of teachers had held additional school health for less than one year. More than 80 percent of teachers had participated in the training one time or twice. More than 70 percent of teachers had 1-2 additional jobs except for the school health business. The motivation to hold additional school health is most caused by mandatory order, which accounts for more than 80.0 percent. In considering interesting degree concerning school health, lukewarm answer is the highest of 62.7 percent, followed by affirmative answer of 23.6 percent. In considering their contentment degree respecting additional school health job, "discontent or very discontent"is the highest of 47.6 percent. As a descontent reason of additional school health job, overwork is the highest factor of 37.9 percent. Among addiitional school health job, the most difficult affair is nursing service to be 34.0 percent, followed by health education of 31.6 percent. It testify the need of professional. The source of knowledge about school health has been acquired from masscommunication or private health experience, which account for as much as 56.1 percent. It shows seriousness of lack of professionalism. With regard to neccessity of school health experts, 95.8 percent represents absolute need. With above consideration of study results, I propose as follows : 1. I propose that the authorities concerned unify and improve statute respecting current school health which has not been steadfastly supporting school health business by ambiguity of expression and dualization. 2. I propose that the authorities concerned give the school manager, school staffs and parents of students educational chance with which they can acknowledge the importance of school health and in which they can participate as well as set up alternative policy plan to be albe to vitalize school health committee. 3. I propose that administrative organization practicable to taking totally charge of school health business is established within the Ministry of Education. 4. I propose that the authorities concerned back up and cooperate in an attempt by make school health better and desirable toward development by way of appointing qualitied health teachers on the basis of legally regular teacher staffs.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.36-48
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• 2015

This study aims to contemplated the enjoying culture of Gyeonghwasejok's garden in late Joseon dynasty. It was track down the behavior from cultural perspective by using recorded in literature. The results were as follows. First, Gyeonghwasejok was the main principal of the garden at Hanyang in Joseon Dynasty. There are established residence in the downtown and make a garden. Garden organizer recognized to fine conditions of residences even crowded downtown. As a result people tried to include habitation and garden culture for preserve their cultural benefit. Secondly, Seongsisanrim culture has appeared of common in site selection of garden for occupies the scenic beauty. Garden was surrounded by scenic beauty. Garden organizer was formed archival culture for owning the beautiful landscape through creation of guguk(九曲), designation of space and lettering on rocks. Thirdly, Formation of the collection culture was placed of various ornaments inside garden. A behaviour of landscape view and ornaments appreciation led to the archival culture such as Won-rim-gi(園林記) and essay(小品文). Moreover, hold a friendship meeting for sharing garden culture. Fourthly, Attention of flowering plants was extended to development of gardening hobby such as fashion of pot-planting, planted to exotic tree. It was know that the plants are recognized as favorite elements by target of appreciation according to introduction of plants inside garden. In addition, facility of horticulture and kitchen garden were placed inside garden. Fifth, Influx of chinese garden culture influenced construction of garden space in late Joseon dynasty. Garden organizer recognizes garden as a ideal space by garden aesthetics that Hojungcheonji(壺中天地). And the imitation of Chinese garden culture such as collecting of Chinese's ornaments has become a high-level culture.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.40 no.7 s.276
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• pp.485-491
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• 2007

Background: Thoracoplasty has become a rarity in current clinical practice, although it has been widely employed for well over a century as a procedure for reducing the capacity of the thoracic cavity. Yet we have perform tailoring thoracoplasty following or concomitant with pulmonary resection in 20 patients. The aim of this study is to evaluate the early and late clinical results and also the significance of tailoring thoracoplasty. Material and Method: From March 1995 to June 2005, modified thoracoplasty following or concomitant with pulmonary resection was performed in 20 patients out of a total of 298 pulmonary resections for closing air leaks and for treating persistent pleural space following pulmonary resections, and to tailor the thoracic cavity to accept a diminished lung volume. Of the 20 patients, 14 patients had tailoring thoracoplasty performed concomitant with pulmonary resection, and the remaining 6 patients also had tailoring thoracoplasty performed following pulmonary resection. The subjects ages ranged from 24 to 77 (mean $59.1{\pm}6.4$) and a male preponderance was noted (17 : 3); the number of left and right surgeries was equal. The preoperative primary underlying diseases were lung cancer in 7 patients, pneumothorax with giant bullous change in 6 patients, bronchiectasis in 2 patients, previous pulmonary tuberculosis associated with aspergilloma in 2 patients, empyema with fibrothorax in 2 patients and multiple lung abscesses & destruction due to previous trauma in 1 patient. The operative methods were apicolysis and subperiosteal removal of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th ribs (the costochondral junction to the posterior portions of the ribs) with preservation of the first rib and compression of the anterior chest via cotton bags and elastic bandages. Result: The mean duration of the air leaks after thoracoplasty was $1.6{\pm}0.2$ days (range: $0{\sim}7$ days) and the mean duration of an indwelling chest tube was 7 days (range: $5{\sim}11$ days); the mean duration of hospitalization was $19.2{\pm}2.8$ days (range: $8{\sim}47$ days). The postoperative complications were wound infection (2) and pneumonia (2); reoperation was done due to bleeding (1) in one patient who underwent concomitant thoracoplasty and there was 1 case of wound infection (1) after postresection thoracoplasty. The mortality was 1 patient in the early phase and 4 patients in the late phase. Conclusion: We conclude that tailoring thoracoplasty may be performed to close anticipated persistent pleural spaces and to accommodate the diminished lung volume with acceptable cosmetic results when this procedure is combined with pulmonary resection in selected patients.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.30
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• pp.241-262
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• 2009

In this study, we will find out and understand of the literary characteristics and the material status about the translation of Sijo into chinese poetry which is the representative genre in Korean traditional poetry. Most of the work was done from 17th 19th century, and there are about 120 literary men who translated Sijo. 759 works are translated into Chinese poetry and we cannot find 135 works' original poetry. Therefore about 900 works are translated into Chinese poetry. One Sijo can be translated into more than 1 Chinese poetry, so there are more translated works. According to this study, there are 1356 translated works in total. Many works are done in piece by piece, however most of them are in series with many poems from 10 to 100. First, some popular Sijo was translated into series. Second, some serial Sijo or some Sijo of particular writers are translated into Chinese works. In first case, there are 22 writers' 27 works of Sijo along with Shinwi's "Soakbu" and 652 translated works. In the other case, there are 30 writers' 26 works of Sijo including 10 "Kosangugokga", which was translated by Song shiyul. There are 511 translated works. A lot of translations of Sijo into Chinese poetry are in various documents. They are in personal collections of works such as "Beonbanggok" in Namguman's "Yakchunjip". The works are in books of poems such as Hong yangho's "Chunggudangok" and Shinwi's "Jahasoakbu". In collection of Sijo like Shin heum's "Bangongshiyeo" in "Chungguyoungwon", there are some translated works as well. We can understand Sijo which we do not know the lyrics now by studying the materials about the translation of Sijo into Chinese poetry. The materials about the translation of Sijo into Chinese poetry have necessary value for studying the creation and tradition process of Sijo. In addition, with the materials, we can study the interaction between Korean literature and Chinese one, and also we can study about the changing aspects of Chinese poetry in Late Chosun.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.1-22
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• 2005

Study on ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$, which is one of the most specialized medical books in Boncho(Herbal Medicines), has been done by comparing it with some other medical books published in the Chosun dynasty. Though there was not meaningful result on e names of Korean medicine by this study and more study should follow in the future, from medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Inbu (a chapter of medical ingredients from human body)${\lrcorner}$, we can reach on some results as follows by comparing in names of Korean medicines, their medical components, relevant explanations and etc. 1. Though it is difficult to know the author and the published year due to absence of the preface and epilogue, the publication is presumed to date from mid-l7th century, from the facts that Muheeong's ${\ulcorner}$Shinnongbonchokyongso${\lrcorner}$ is in the ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$'s reference list, and that there is not Hangul expression in the names of medicines nor the Ching dynasty’s books as a reference. 2. As a result of studying on the names of medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Inbu${\lrcorner}$ of the Chosun dynasty's famous medical books, before ${\ulcorner}$ Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$, 19 medicines in ${\ulcorner}$Hyangyakjipsungbang${\lrcorner}$, 25 in ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$, and after ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$, 6 in ${\ulcorner}$Uimumbogam${\lrcorner}$, 4 in ${\ulcorner}$Kwangjebikup${\lrcorner}$, 11 in ${\ulcorner}$Bangyakhappyon${\lrcorner}$. And there are 37 medicines which are unique, ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ has 31, the biggest records among them. 3. As a result of studying on the names of medicines recorded in 「Inbu」 of the ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$ Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$, 22 medicines were recorded in the both books, 9 were only recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and 3 were only recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$. 3 out of the total 37 medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Inbu${\lrcorner}$ are only recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Hangyakjipsungbang${\lrcorner}$, and more study on this is needed. 4. From the contents recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$, Benchojeonghwa is more in detail than Donguibogam. Thus, it was specialized in Boncho (Herbal Medicines) enough to be compared with general medical books, and played a good role in leading medical science's specialization. 5. Late Chosun dynasty's medical study on Boncho (Herbal Medicines) just like ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ didn't lead to an active development of knowledge communication due to Confucian ethics. This limitation created the trend relying on general medical books or Yaksungga (songs of memorizing Boncho information) for Boncho information, but Boncho information of late Chosun dynasty became more in detail. That is, while Bokhapbang, combination of various medicines, were developed in China, Danmibang, single medicine but different intensity, were developed in Chosun. And thus, even though the kinds of medicines became smaller, but its contents became rather rich. 5. The medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$ are, from the view point of today, unclean or rather uncomfortable to use. Out those medicines, Bunchung, Hwasijangsanginkol, Hongyon, Gonidoogun, Inkondang had been used for a very long time and which proves their medical efficacy, and it is a great pity that they can’t be tried today due to the limitation by modern ethics.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.154-175
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• 2009

At the present state, studies on Gyeongbok palace are being done with history of architecture, records, and art. However, these studies have limits that they can only depend on existing buildings and record, which make it hard to research whole aspect of palaces. The foundation remains(Jeoksim) of Gyeongbok palace in the ground gives important clues that can fill the gaps of these studies. Thus I analysed jeoksim of Gyeongbok palace, assorted them by type, scale, material, and construction method. I examined jeoksim used by various types of building, and looked at changes by periods. Jeoksims are classified in 21 types. The foundation(jeoksim) varies according to types of buildings, building types and material of jeoksim also varies along the periods, and the fact proves certain peroid of time has its own jeoksim style in fashion. Jeoksims of Gyeongbok palace are divided into round-shape(I), rounded square-shape(II), rectangular-shape(III), square-shape(IV), and whole foundation of building(V) by the plane shape. They can be divided again into 21 types by construction techniques and materials used. During early Joseon(I), only three types of jeoksim; round-shape riprap jeoksim(1-1), II-1(rounded square-shape), II-2a(rounded square-shape riprap+roofingingtile brick), had been built, but as 19th century begun, all 21 types of jeoksim had built. In 19th century during Emperor Gojong, different types of jeoksim by periods were built, and especially different materials were used. During Gojong year 2(1865)~year 5(1868), in which Gyeongbok palace were rebuilt, 7 out of 10 types of jeoksim used piece of roofinging tile and brick mixture, in contrast, during Gojong year 10(1873)~13(1876), or 25(1888), 3 out of 5 types of jeoksim used sandy soil with mixture of plaster. Meanwhile palace buildings have different names by the class of owner and use such as Jeon, Dang, Hap, Gak, Jae, Heon, Nu, and Jeong, which were classified by types and buildings were built according to each level. With an analysis of jeoksim by its building types, I ascertained that jeoksim were built differently in accordance to building types(Jeon, Dang, Hap, Gak, Jae, Heon, Nu, and Jeong). By the limitation of present document, only some types of buildings such as Jeon, Dang, Gak, Bang were confirmed, as for Jeon and Gak, square-shape(IV) built with rectangular parallelepiped stone, and for Dang and Bang, rounded square-shape(IV) built with roofinginginging tile and riprap were commonly used. From the fact that other jeoksim with uncertain building names, were mostly built in early Joseon, we learn that round-shape riprap jeoksim(1-1) were commonly built. Therefore, the class of building was higher if the owner was in higher class, jeoksim is also considered to be built with the strongest and best material. And for Dang and Bang, rounded square-shape jeoksim were used, Dang has lots of II-2a (riprap + piece of roofing tile and brick rounded square-shape) type which mainly used riprap and piece of roofing tile and brick, but Bang has lots of II-2b (piece of roofing tile and brick+(riprap+piece of roofing tile and brick rounded square-shape), which paved piece of roofing tile and brick by 15~20cm above. These jeoksim by building types were confirmed to have changed its construction type by period. As for Jeon and Gak, they were built with round-shape riprap jeoksim(1-1) in early Joseon(14~15c), but in late Joseon(19c), various types of Jeoksim were built, especially square-shape(IV) were commonly built. For Dang, only changes in later Joseon were confirmed, jeoksim built in Gojong year 4(1867) mostly used mixture of riprap and piece of roofing tile and brick. In Gojong year 13(1876) or year 25(1888), unique type of plaster with sand and coal and soil layered jeoksim were built that are not found in any other building types. Through this study, I learned that various construction types of jeoksim and material were developed in later Joseon compare to early Joseon. This states that construction technique of building foundation of palace has upgraded. Above all, I learned jeoksim types are all different for various kinds of buildings. This tells us that when they constructed foundation of building, they used pre-calculated construction technique.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.1-30
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• 2009

Frege's logicism has been frequently regarded as a development in number theory which succeeded to the so called arithmetization of analysis in the late 19th century. But it is not easy for us to accept this opinion if we carefully examine his actual works on real analysis. So it has been often argued that his logicism was just a philosophical program which had not contact with any contemporary mathematical practices. In this paper I will show that these two opinions are all ill-founded ones which are due to the misunderstanding of the theoretical place of Frege's logicism in the context of contemporary mathematical practices. Firstly, I will carefully examine Cantorian definition of real numbers and Frege's critiques of it. On the basis of this, I will show that Frege's aim was to produce the purely logical definition of ratios of quantities. Secondly, I will consider the mathematical background of Frege's logicism. On the basis of this, I will show that his standpoint in real analysis was much subtler than what we used to expect. On the one hand, unlike Weierstrass and Cantor, Frege wanted to get such real analysis that could be universally applicable. On the other hand, unlike most mathematicians who insisted on the traditional conceptions, he would not depend upon any geometrical considerations in establishing real analysis. Thirdly, I will argue that Frege regarded these two aspects - the independence from geometry and the universal applicability - as those which characterized logic itself and, by logicism, arithmetic itself. And I will show that his conception of real numbers as ratios of quantities stemmed from his methodological maxim according to which the nature of numbers should be explained by the common roles they played in various contexts to which they applied, and that he thought that the universal applicability of numbers could not be adequately explicated without such an explanation.