• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.25-35
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• 2023

According to this study, it is estimated that the ILDU historic house was constructed around the late Goryeo period, approximately in the year 1360, and the founder moved to Hamyang no earlier than 1350. The main house, the inner store-house, the inner gatehouse, and the ancestral shrine, which are situated on elevated ground, were initially constructed around 1360, and substantial expansions and renovations occurred around 1620. The shrine was relocated and reconstructed in its present location and form around 1843. Subsequent to that period, it underwent various architectural changes, including repairs and reconstructions. The sub-main house was originally constructed around 1620 and underwent a reconstruction in 1843. The main storehouse was built in 1930. Also, the man's part of house, located on lower ground, was erected in 1843, while the other sub-main house seems to constructed around 1860. The auxiliary buildings, the main gatehouse and the outer storehouse, were initially constructed around 1360. It is estimated that they were similarly relocated and reconstructed in their current form, along with the construction of the man's part of house in 1843. It has undergone a four-stage transformation process, influenced by various internal and external factors, including the local indigenization of the ILDU families of the same clan, as well as the popularization of Confucian ideology. These four stages include its formative period, growth phase, developmental stage, and maturity. It actively incorporated the contemporary factors of change into its residential architecture. This continuous adaptation is evident in its the space and floor plan, ultimately leading to its present-day architectural legacy.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.1-36
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• 2000

Periodic markets of the later Choson dynasty had undergone fundamental changes during the late Chosun dynasty and Japanese colony period. This paper aims to analyse the spatial distributions and changes of the periodic markets in the middle stream of Han-River in this era in the use of the survey of documentary records and fieldwork. Before the early 1910s, long distance transportation was made by riverboats, short distance transportation was done by porters and pack animals. Because goods such as rice, soybean and salt were very heavy and needed long distance transport, they were mainly transported by riverboats. Accordingly, riverports on the shore of river played important roles in exporting and importing goods as nodes of long distance transportation. The opening of railroad Seoul-Busan, the construction of new roads(Sinjakno) of 1910s and the use of oxcarts produced striking changes in the spatial distribution and hierarchy structure of periodic markets. These changes also had influence on the outflow and inflow of goods in the middle stream of Han-River. In the parr of outflow of goods, it seems that the line linking Icheon city-Yongin city-Anseong city played a role in making the boundaries of the marketing areas between goods trams ported by the rail road Seoul-Busan and goods done by Han River river boats. Anseong, Osan and Suwon periodic markets located around railroad stations occupied the higher positions than those of other regions in the hierarchial structure of periodic markets. Their marketing areas could nearly overwhelm those of riverports located in the middle stream region of Han River and extend to the middle stream region of Han River as a result of decrease of transport cost through using of oxcarts and railroads. the opening of railroad Suwon-Yeoju(Suryoson) and railroad Cheonan-Janghawon(Cheonjangson) brought about changes of the structure of long distance trade again. In a part of outflow of goods, it seems that as a result of the new opening of their railroads periodic markets around railroads seized a large portion of the marketing area of the southern part of Yoju and Ichon area and therefore made extreme change in rivershipping of Han River. In the inflow part of goods, goods transported by riverboats from the downstream of Han River before the opening of railroad were imported directly from railroad stations. Accordingly, rivershipping and riverports declined. And because goods were imported by way of great periodic markets and supplied to small periodic markets and consumers before the opening of railroad, but supplied from railroad stations to small periodic markets and consumers after the opening of railroad. The volume of turnover of such great periodic markets as Anseong, Osan and Suwon periodic markets therefore declined. On the other hand, because Yangpyong area had not been yet included within the sphere of influence of railroad until 1930s, it heavily depended on rivershipping of Han River as before. But the opening of railroad Seoul-Wonju(jungangson) brought about decline of rivershipping in Yangpyong and Wonju area.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.52 no.6
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• pp.25-39
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• 2002

The purpose of this study is to look into dressing practices at the Woinarodo region in terms of ordinary and ritual clothes. Men wore Bqji(trousers) and Jeokori(jackets) as their plain clothes and sometimes Jangsam mid Durumaki(topcoat). During the period of Japanese colony, men wore Western-style clothes. For women it was basic to wear Chima(skirts) and Jeokori. And they preferred Momppe rather when in Japanese rule. In arrangements for their head, men put on gut, and had their hair cut during Japanese nile. Women laid a bundle of their braided hairs on the head or braided their hair, while married women did their hair up in a chignon during the ruling period People of the region put on straw and leather shoes, and then rubber ones since the late 1930s. Hand weaving was a major means of living for women at the region. Ramie, hemp and cotton were mainly weaved by hand. Starching was applied mainly to ramie and cotton. Glues for starching were made of raw rices, cooked rices, wheat flour or gloiopeltis tenax. For ritual clothes, especially in wedding, bridegrooms arranged themselves with Samokwandae and then Put on Baji, Jeokori, Durumaki and Danryung. But they Put on Western-style dresses as the liners of Danryung, and wear Nambawi Rather than the Samo after korean independence from Japanese rule. Bridges wore Chima, Jeokori and Wonsam and Chokdoori and covered their face with Hansam Wonsam did not be worn any longer after Korean independence from the rule. Shrouds for funeral ceremony were manufactured with silks, cotton and hemp, when the chief mourner wore hempen hoods and funeral robes, while women, Chima, made of hemp. and any type of Jeokori.

• The Journal of Korean Academy of Prosthodontics
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.250-259
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• 2001

Since the late 1930s, acrylic resins have been the materials of choice for the fabrication of complete denture bases. It has excellent esthetic properties, adequate strength, low water sorption, and low solubility. But acrylic resin has disadvantage of processing shrinkage that reduces denture retention and accuracy of denture occlusion. Metals also have been used in denture base material. Metals used in denture bases display excellent strength and dimensional stability. The major disadvantages associated with metal denture bases include increased cost, difficulty in fabrication, compromised esthetic qualities, and inability to re-base. The purpose of this study is to compare the artificial tooth movements of complete dentures with resin bases and metal bases after curing, deflasking, polishing immersion in water for 1 week and 4 weeks. Twenty-four maxillary complete resin denture bases with artificial teeth were fabricated. Twelve of them were resin based and other twelve of them were metal based. Fine crosses were marked on the incisal edges of right central incisors and distobuccal cusps of be second molars. Measurements were done for the changes of distances of reference points at the time of wax denture, after deflasking after decasting after polishing after immersion in water for 1 week and 4 weeks Meaurements were done to the accuracy of 0.001mm with a measuring microscope. The results were as follows : 1. Metal base showed significantly less tooth movement than resin base after curing and decasting (p<0.01). 2. Metal base showed significantly less tooth movement than resin base after polishing (p<0.01). 3. After immersion in water for 1 week and 4 weeks, metal base showed less movement than resin base. Difference was significant for anterior-posterior distances (p<0.01), but not significant for molar-to-molar distance (p>0.01). 4. 1 week and 4 weeks of immersion failed to compensate the initial processing shrinkage of metal and resin bases (p>0.01).

• Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.45-67
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• 2008

Ocean climate variables ($1900{\sim}2005$), time series of catches ($1910{\sim}2005$) and body size data were used to assess the year-to-year and decadal scale fluctuations in abundance of the fish populations (Japanese sardine, anchovy, jack mackerel, chub mackerel, Pacific saury and common squid) that have spawning grounds in the East China Sea and its adjacent regions. A negative correlation between the abundance of pelagic fishes (e.g. jack mackerel) in the Tsushima Warm Current (TWC) region and the Kuroshio-Oyashio Current (KOC) region was attributed to the climatic modulation of larval transport and recruitment, which depends on the winter monsoon-induced drift, current systems, and spawning season and site. The changes in abundance and alternation of dominant fish populations in the two regions in the 1930s, 1970s, and late 1980s mirrored changes in the climate indices (ALPI, AOI and MOI). Oscillations in the decadal climate shifts between the two regions led to zonal differences in larval transport and recruitment, and hence differences in the abundance of the pelagic fish populations. During deep Aleutian Lows, as in the 1980s, larval transport from the East China Sea to the KOC region increases in association with the strong winter Asian monsoon, cool regime and increased volume transport of the Kuroshio Current systems, whereas during a weak Aleutian Low (as in the 1990s), larval transport to the TWC region increased in association with a weak winter Asian monsoon, a warm regime, and increased volume transport of the Tsushima current system. We postulate that the increased chub mackerel abundance in the TWC region and the decreased abundance in the KOC region in the 1990s are partly attributed to changes in recruitment and availability to the fishing fleets under the warm regime in the spawning and nursery grounds in the East China Sea in association with the quasi-steady state of mild winter monsoon in the 1990s. The fluctuations in chub mackerel and jack mackerel abundance are under the environment-dependant growth form, although the tropicalization was identified in the TWC region. The density-dependant growth form was found in Japanese sardine populations, but no tropicalization by fishing was identified in the long ($10{\sim}15$ year) periods of abundance despite their short ($3{\sim}4$ year) generation time, suggesting that the environment-dependant growth form drove the changes in abundance. Year-to-year and decadal scale variations in abundance and population structure of the Pacific saury responded to climate regime shifts (1976/1977, 1988/1989), suggesting that the fish is a key bio-indicators for changes in the ecosystem.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.457-507
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to explore the formal and content features of the material for the Changgeuk album , which was produced and released in 1971. Changgeuk album was produced and published as a headword for "Changgeuk". However, it differs from the style of Changgeuk which is treated as a stage drama in that the narrative is developed around the commentary and dialogue in the formal aspect and the Pansori is only partially used. The styles of Changgeuk, implemented through gramophone record, radio broadcasts and television broadcasts, varied widely, unlike those of Changgeuk established in the 1930s. Pansori music wasn't the only center, and traditional performers weren't even the main members of the play. The characteristic form of the Changgeuk album is an experiment of Changgeuk that emerged naturally with radio reading and the advent of radio dramas in the 1950s and 1960s. So it is necessary to pay attention to the Changgeuk album in that it shows diverse forms of experiments conducted by Changgeuk in the newly introduced culture and media in the middle and late 20th century As for the contents of the Changgeuk album , the work embraces Lee Jong ik 's novel (1957), but develops the narrative centering on the life of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師). And it is faithfully portraying the life of a Buddhist monk and the national salvation hero who pursued the original work. This content composition can be understood in the will of singer Lee Yong bae, the soundman who produced the album, and in the flow of historical dramas that summon the historical hero of the old country of the time to the stage. Singer Lee Yong bae reflects on his life in the past when he was full of greed and conceit through his life as a monk of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師) and is greatly impressed by the personal aspect of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師), and these emotions encouraged his creative will. Also, the Changgeuk record is meaningful in that it is one of the specific materials that embodies the national hero as a record and a traditional play under the discourse of the people, the nation in the 1970s.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.57 no.4 s.113
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• pp.173-187
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• 2007

The purpose of this study is to analyze the fetishist characteristics and the aesthetic values of glamour style based on the premise that fetishism is the theoretical root of glamour style expressed in fashion throughout history. The following results are from analysing fetishist characteristics of glamour style. First, luxury was analysed from an angle of commodity fetishism. Every culture develops images and stories that portray a world in which its ideals are realized: a paradise, a utopia, a golden age, etc. Consumer goods often serve as 'bridges to these ideals'. People thus can fantasize about owning the perfect life. Crucially, however, they must never get everything they picture. That is why luxuries often take on displaced meaning. Glamour gives the displaced meaning visual form, making it beautiful and real. Second, the attention on the glamour of luxury goods as a bridge to ideals is connected to the glamour icon who is simultaneously a consumer of these luxury goods and a producer of cultural goods. Glamour icons including the courtesan of the late 19th century, the actress of the 1930s' Hollywood golden age and today's celebrities appear to efface the traces of production and create fetishist images in culture. Through this artificial principle, the commodity-cum-glamour icon comes to life as a splendid image of spectacle. Third, masquerade and seduction were analysed from an angle of sexual fetishism. A magnificent image of masquerade as sexual fetishism is often equated with femininity, especially in Hollywood movies, because the artificial seduction of the feminine -namely glamour- can be effected by the absence or silence of being. That is to say, the aesthetic revelation of femininity coincides with the fleshing out of artificial signs. Masquerade and the seduction of the feminine are connected with glamour's artificial sensuality from this point. Fourth, since 1980's when homosexuality as sexual deviation resurfaced as a hot topic, sexual ambiguity and bisexual image have gained attention as perverse sexuality. Next came queer theory, which reduced gender itself to a matter of surface rather than depth. According to queer theory, gender itself can be revealed as a kind of drag act. Drag's imitative performance may reveal that womanliness is just about 'dragging up'. Queerness as a decadent play makes a connection with the wicked origins of glamour. From these characteristics, four aesthetic values were deduced: ostentatious luxury and mysterious idolatry by commodity fetishism, artificial sensuality and playful queerness by sexual fetishism.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.11-22
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• 2017

A plaza represents the identity of a city, and that reveals a plaza's importance. Gwanghwamun Plaza and Seoul Plaza are two representative plazas where the citizens can freely express their opinions. Many major plazas in the center of Seoul were built under the Japanese occupation. Among these, the plaza of Joseon Bank has different characteristics than Gwanghwamun Plaza and Seoul Plaza. Even though this plaza was built in the center of the commercial, administrational, and cultural district during the Japanese colonial period, the research on this plaza has been limited. This study was conducted to verify the features of this plaza by analyzing its construction and transformation during the Japanese colonial period. The study's results outline how the plaza was constructed by the Japanese administration. The intention of the government is shown by the fact that it purchased land parcels and held a design competition. In the 1910s, the government purchased seven parcels of land during the expansion of roads as the place for the plaza. During the late 1930s, the government accepted a traffic circle to regulate the traffic and eliminate the conflict between crossing movements. In 1939, a fountain was built in the plaza's center, and its design was selected through a design competition. It was planned as a square, but gradually turned into a rotary. Furthermore, the plaza was a landmark and symbol of the power and modernity of Japan. As the main modal point of public transportation, the plaza became surrounded with largescale Western-style buildings, commercial advertising, and neon signs. The plaza became a place where people could experience the modern city. These spectacular displays showed that Japanese imperialism was perceived as a strange and peculiar landscape to the majority of Korean citizens. This study investigates the history and characteristics of the plaza, focusing on its beginning as well as the transformation of its form. As to the limitations of the study, it does not consider political and economic contexts within the transformation of Seoul and in relation to this plaza. Instead, that research remains for a future study.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.87-121
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• 2016

Daehoon Ham's novel 'Cheongchunbo' features a studier as the main character who majored in Russian literature and admired the culture of the Soviet Union. From his viewpoint, the novel reproduces North Korean society before and after its independence from Japan. In this regard, it shows multilayered presence related to Russian culture and Soviet Russia. Such an aspect is based on the sense of sympathy that the main character has. The sense of sympathy is originated from the main character's admiration for the exoticism of Soviet culture which was forbidden during the late Japanese occupation. After Korea's independence from Japan, Russian was replaced by English. Such change also occurred in the main character's viewpoint. He underwent a change in his integrative viewpoint on Russian and Soviet under the name of Red Army. After defecting to South Korea, he began to put Russia down as a den possessed by the devil called 'communism.' In the meantime, Russia and Soviet have been separated from each other in ideological terms. The novel 'Cheongchunbo' stresses that the decisive cause of such changes is argued over trusteeship. The main character, fascinated by the presence of exotic Soviet, predicates that Soviet is a political symbol around the national division caused by the trusteeship. His change alluded to the life path of Korean authors who translated Russian literature after independence. During the Japanese occupation, Russian literature translated into Korea was a longing for forbiddance and admiration for Russia. However, the Russia presented in Daehoon Ham's novel before and after independence implies that the romantic translation has ended.