This paper aims to provide a critical assesment of Conservatives's and new Labour's social assistance reforms in the U.K. and their differential impacts on low income groups. During the period of 18 years in power, the Conservative governments enforced benefit recipients being capable of work to be out of benefits and to get into work. They employed not only 'carrots' to encourage beneficiaries being capable of work to have full-time work, but also 'sticks' to discourage them to depend on benefits. The reforms under the Conservative governments were closer to the workfare model. The new Labour government has continued to emphasize work regarding social security reform. It has raised 'from welfare to work' as the main reform objective. However, it has not necessarily focused on 'carrots and sticks' in order to get beneficiaries into work. Instead, the new Labour government has put its priority regarding social assistance reform on human capital development in order to develop the capability of beneficiaries for work. Britain under the new Labour government seems to be moving from workfare to activation model. These differentials between the Conservative governments and the new Labour government regarding social assistance reforms bring about the different policy outcomes. Under the Conservative government, social assistance programmes were prone to strengthen the state's control over benefit recipients and to increase stigma to them. Punitive, demeaning, stigmatising programmes of work and unending job search activities harm the bases of self-respect. On the contrary, the activation programmes under the new Labour government has contributed positively to both socially significant participation and autonomy of beneficiaries.
Recently, early childhood education in England has experienced a significant level of government intervention including reforms for improving it. This study examines to what extent new Labour government initiatives impact preschool education in England and how effectively the English government implements its preschool education policies. This empirical study uses a combination of methods, including documentary analysis, questionnaire, and observation. Findings show that recent English government policy, especially the introduction of a national preschool curriculum framework combined with an inspection process and funding mechanism, appears to have had a strong influence on preschool practices.
As policy areas are widened and more complicated, policy coordination becomes a challenge to the public administration. New Labour's promotion of the joined-up government was a holistic attempt to redress the fragmentation of the government in social policy. It promoted the joined-up activities by setting up joining-up units and agencies at the core of the government, the Prime-Minister's Office and the Cabinet office, and between the public, private and voluntary sectors. The joined-up government was criticised as being hierarchical and fragmented, and as confusing the line of accountability. Policy coordination has growing importance in Korea, and the experiences of the joined-up government will have implications on more coordinated promotion of social policy.
The purpose of this research is both to analyse the dynamics of welfare pluralism in the personal social service policy for elderly British people and to provide policy implications based on analysis of the post World War II time era up until the end of the New Labour Government. Content analysis of government and parliament reports, minutes, scripts for party conferences, legislations, declassified government documents, and institutes' reports of the Conservative, Labour, and New Labour Governments from 1945 to 2010 shows that the governments played only assistive roles in welfare pluralism at any given point in time. The negative experiences of elderly British can be attributed to the unbalanced structure of roles held by public and private institutions for personal social services. They ultimately have important policy implications for the foundation of welfare pluralism in elderly Korean community care by the Moon Jae-in government.
This study reviews and analyses the policy changes happened in Britain regarding the family and children. Traditionally Britain has employed non-interventionist policies for the family and child care assuming the family as a private domain. This policy had been reinforced during the Thatcher regime. However the traditional families that Beveridge had idealized have been rapidly disappearing and child poverty has become critical concern for Blair's New Labour government with the rising number of lone parent families. The New labour's child and family-friendly policies to enhance the family life have been examined on the basis of government reports on Child Benefit, WFTC, Child Support Agency and the plans to support parents and to implement the child and family-friendly practices.
With the steady rise in global popularity of the Korean music group BTS, the South Korean government and surrounding industries have swiftly begun utilizing their image and international recognition for specific nation branding purposes. While K-pop soft power strategies are not novel to the South Korean state, what is new is the rapid speed at which BTS have become a beacon for South Korean culture, language, and symbolism in the international arena. However, few scholarly works have sought to investigate the role fans have played in this heightened position for the group as state representatives, with minimal research conducted into the work fans do within the framework of ARMY fan culture. This paper will thus aim to fill the gap in scholarship on ARMY as an organized labour network, focusing on the role fans play as labourers in online spaces that work to promote, disseminate, and cultivate wider recognition for BTS as artists. Through the conjunct engagement of a political economy framework and theories of participatory culture, this paper will explore the manner through which the free labour of ARMY, premised on affect, has constructed the fandom as active agents of soft power alongside BTS themselves.
In this study the financial performance of small scale dairy farms participating in the government subsidy programme and the impact of this government intervention on the number of animals owned, production and consumption of milk and labour employment in the farm households have been examined. After receiving the subsidy, dairy farmers expanded their herd size. The major changes occurred in the ownership of calves, heifers and cows in all categories of farms. Significant increases in production and consumption of milk as well as in labour employment were observed. The rates of increase for all the parameters studied were much higher in farms adopting cross breeding compared to those in only local-breed farms. The analysis showed that dairying was a profitable business. However, profitability was greater with cross-bred than with local-bred animals.
The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the performance of New Deal under the New Labour government in Britain and examines the nature of New Deal with respect to workfare. The time difference of five years after the New Deal was put into effect shows that New Deal has contributed not only to include the socially excluded groups such as the young unemployed, the long-term unemployed, single parents, and the disabled into the labour market, but also to decrease the amount of income-based benefits providing for working generation. It can be said that the nature of New Deal under the New Labour is near to human capital development model rather than labour force attachment model. New Deal provides the opportunity of policy learning for the countries which pursue the reform of social security system to moving welfare beneficiaries being able to work into jobs. Policy learning can be summed up as follows. First, imposing mutual responsibility and obligations on unemployed person should be accompanied by implementing active labour market programmes of education and job training. Second, the delivery system which administrates workfare programmes should be decentralized in a local society. The cooperation between local government and enterprisers will be critical in implementing various employment programmes and moving unemployed person into jobs. Third, the case management for individual participating in workfare programme is necessary. The personal adviser should continue to provide employment services for the unemployed until he or she get a job and enter the state of self-reliance. Finally, the workfare programme should be firmly backed by the political leadership in order to overcome the oppositions of beneficiary groups under the existing social security system.
The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
/
v.3
no.4
/
pp.57-66
/
2016
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) plays a vital role in economic growth of the countries. The present study analyses the impact of the FDI on economic growth of South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation countries by using the pooled data for the period 1990-2014. Neo-classical production function has been used for analysis and getting stock-to-flow estimation, Taylor series approximation has applied. Fixed Effects Model has been used to investigate the impact of FDI, domestic capital, labour and government expenditures on economic growth. It is the evident from the results that both domestic investment and FDI have been a positive effect on economic growth. The study finds that the contribution of domestic private investment is more trustworthy than the contribution of FDI. Consequently, FDI loses its attraction as an engine of growth if the adverse balance of payment consequence of the resulting profit repatriating is also taken into account. The labour has positive and significant association with GDP. The effect of government expenditure is negligible on economic growth. The findings suggest that growth strategy cannot yield the long term benefits if it neglects investments on human capital.
This study is first aimed at identifying the possibility of labour saving and production cost decreasing in rice production with respect to seed broad casting technology. Comparison of labour inputs and production costs of rice in-between USA and Korea and recommendation of policy guidelines for the continous rice cultivation are the second objective of this study. Under the WTO system, rice enterprice is the most vulnerable crop in the sense of labour productivity and price competitiveness in the international market. How to adapt labour saving technology and how to decrease production costs are the most imminent problems to be solved in rice production. To achieve the objectives, survey on nine rice enterprice farms were made in Daeho tidal farmland with respect to the size of farm, labour inputs, productivity, farm mechanization and farm land base development. The existing data on labour saving technology by seed broadcasting which had surveyed by Rural Development Administration were collected to compare the surveyed data from Daeho tidal farm land The study results and policy recommendation are summarized as follows; 1. Labour requirements per 10a for rice enterprise farms with seed broadcasting and with transplanting were estimated 11.4 and 18.5hours respectively. 'This above labour inputs were equivalent to 1/3-1/5 of the national average labour inputs of 53.6 hours which were included transplanting and harvesting by machinery. Considering the labour requirement of 1.7 hours per 10a for the USA rice production, Korea rice culture has possibility to decrease labour demand upto USA level of labour inputs. 2. Production cost of rice in Korea were estimated US$4,181 per ha which were higher than that of USA by 3.00 times and production costs per ton were shown as US$313 for USA rice and US$1,018 for Korean rice. 3. Land productivity of rice per 10a in America was reached to 4,325kg and the counterpart of Korea was about 4,181kg in recent year. In the sense of land productivity, both yields of rice were comparable. 4. The price of japonica type rice similar to Korean traditional rice in international market in 1994 was f.o.b US$466 per ton which was equivalent to import parity price of US$830 per ton in domestic market. The price of rice purchased by Korean G't and received by farmers were amounted to US$ 2,013 and US$ 1,663 respectively in the same year. Domestic prices mentioned above were higher than the import parity price as US$830 by 2.0-2.4 times. 5. American rice production competitive to Korean rice was equivalent to 17,012 thousand tons, 1.28% of the world production of rice in 1991 and consumption of rice in America was amounted to 2,633 thousand tons. Exportable quantity of USA rice were estimated as 4,379 thousand tons of which 52.3%, 2,300 thousand tons, were exported indeed in the same year. 6. The quantity of Korean rice produced in 1991 was estimated 1.00% of the world production. The world amount of rice exported in 1991 was reached to 2.45% of the world production of which 34.2% was occupied by USA The remaining quantities of world exported rice were dominated by Tiland, Pakistan and Vietnam where produced indica variety. 7. Under the given technology, labour inputs per 10a for rice production could be possible to save by 70% of the national average labour requirement of 53.6 hours through implmenting complete farm mechanization with land consolidation and on-farm development and improvement of fanning practices like seedbroad casting txchnology etc. On the other hand, prduction costs of rice could be decreased by 10% rather than 49% as target indicated in the Rural Development Counter Measures of Korean Government in 1994 owing to increasing farm mechanization cost and interest on land service with high price. Accordingly production cost of rice per kg could be decreased only by 10% of the 1994 production cost. 8. Rice policy of Korean government in the future should take into account the labour saving technology to solve labour shortage in rural area and to enhance off-farm incomes by creating job opportunities in agro-industrial zones and special production area. On account of the staple food and main energy source for people's health, rice production even encountered vulnerable economic settings should be continued without price distortion policies and discouraging farmer's intention to cultivate rice by importing institutionally the direct income subsidy system.
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