• Journal of Korean Society of Industrial and Systems Engineering
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• v.18 no.33
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• pp.185-197
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• 1995

Labor union movements brought wage workers into being in the process of industrialization after the Industrial Revolution and they were started with efforts to solve a variety of special problems, brought up in the industrial society by systematic activities. Labor union shows us many differences in the direction of the movement according to its philosophical tendency. Objective of this study is as follows : To find out the problems of labor union movements for democratization of management to present the direction of labor movements based on the democracy of Industry. Accordingly chapter II examines on the Labor union literally for better understanding of the labor union movements Chapter III deals with the structure, characteristic and development process of our country's labor union chronologically. And on the basis of the development process chapter IV suggests the roles on the union, management and government for better union movements. Chapter V reaches a conclusion.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.130-143
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• 2017

This study examines the theoretical framework of "B" local union, which conducts "class-oriented" labor movements in contemporary Japan. "Class-oriented" labor movements are active, while they have been residual on the margins of Japanese society and the country's labor movement situation. This research examines a theoretical framework for "class-oriented" labor movements and investigates Williams' "structure of feeling." First, the "structure of feeling" concept is examined. Second, the study compares several theories on the working class of Marxism and alternative subjects of "linguistic turn." Third, this study redefines the "structure of feeling" in terms of the case of "B" local union. The results show that "collective workers-individualize workers" and "workers-non-workers" of "B" local union establish their own labor movements on the material or immaterial space and consider their "structure of feeling" as the "negotiation and contradiction on the class-orientation." Consequently, this study offers a model of their "structure of feeling."

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.159-186
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• 2019

Southeast Asia accounts for nearly a tenth of total worldwide cross-border movements of migrant workers. Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Myanmar, and Philippines make up the sending countries while Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand are the major destinations. Migrant worker movements are predominantly in production process and low- to medium-skilled sectors. It is not unusual for irregular or undocumented movements to take place. In not a few instances, migrants work under harsh and exploitative conditions. In recent years, however, ASEAN has taken steps to manage labor migration at the regional level. The paper argues that ASEAN has not managed these cross-border labor flows as well as it should particularly in terms of protecting and promoting the human rights of migrants. It will be difficult to establish the genuine building blocks for a regional human rights mechanism unless there is a diffusion of alternative universal norms and standards to what ASEAN already embodies. As long as states resist any attempt to weaken or question or deligitimize their capacity to determine who gets to enter, stay, and leave their jurisdictions, it will be difficult to establish an effective migrant rights framework for the region.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.815-829
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• 2020

The aim of this study is to investigate fashion activism that supports sustainability by pursuing social transformation through social media. This is achieved by publicizing the environmental and labor problems of the fashion industry. For this study, a literary survey and netnography were conducted from January 2017 to November 2020. We classified and analyzed environmental and labor issues that could be considered fashion activism on social media. The results are as follows. First, movements for conscious consumption appeared as #haulternative, #fashionourfuture, #SecondHandSeptember, and #wornwear projects. These movements are concerned with buying used goods, re-dressing clothes owned by individuals, and transforming and wearing them with new methods. Second, activism for environmental protection includes #fashionOnclimate by Global Fashion Agenda and Sustainable Fashion Matterz' #Watermatterz. These movements are directly involved in learning about the seriousness of environmental destruction caused by the fashion industry and participating in environmental protection with critical awareness. Third, the #whomademyclothes and the Clean Clothes Campaign are activism for improving the working environment, and are playing a role in publicizing labor issues by informing the general public about inadequate working conditions linked to the fashion industry. Thus, fashion activism on social media examined in this study can contribute to visualizing chronic problems that hinder sustainable development within the fashion industry.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.15
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• pp.367-385
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• 1992

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.109-139
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• 2017

In light that solidarity movements become significant under the situation of 'labor and labor movement' crisis, our study pays attention to the fact that the Hope Bus campaigns made remarkable achievements, and aims to figure out how those campaigns were successful, by focusing on their solidarity networking. The successful operating conditions of solidarity networking in the Hope Bus campaigns are examined in three aspects - the conditions of triggering, forming, and activating. The solidarity networking of Hope Bus campaigns were mainly triggered by the injustice of layoffs by Hanjin Heavy Industry, aerial protest by Jin-sook Kim, and the tragic symbol of the protest site (Crane no. 85). The solidarity movement of Hope Bus could be formed by the mutual trust and cohesive team-building of key network brokers, their utilization and expansion of social movement networks, and massive ripple effect of SNS-mediated communication. The solidarity networking of Hope Bus was effectively activated by open and de-hierarchical operations of the central planning group, active solidarity activities of participant groups, and the provision of 'heuristic experience' for developing the sensibility to labor solidarity. The virtuous combination of those three operating conditions leads to the building of unified forces among social movements, massive civil participation, and meaningful movement outcomes, through the solidarity networking of Hope Bus campaigns.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.1-34
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• 2013

Labor share of income in Korea has fallen from 90% in 1996 to 79% in 2010. This paper explores the factors driving the movements in the labor share of income based on a panel dataset containing 19 years of data on 18 Korean manufacturing industries. The effects of technical progress, globalization and the bargaining power of labor and capital on the labor share of income are tested for the period of 1991-2009. The main empirical results are as follows. (1) Capital-aug menting technical prog ress measured by capital-labor ratio and R&D intensity has a negative effect on the labor share. (2) Market openness measured by the value of export and import as a ratio to value-added production is found to have a positive impact. (3) Globalization of production measured by inward-FDI and outward-FDI as a ratio to total domestic fixed capital is found to have a negative impact on the labor share. (4) Union density is found to have had a statistically significant effect in 1991-1998. This finding is consistent with the efficient bargain model in which firms and workers bargain over both wages and employment. But union density is insignificant in 2000-2009. This implies that since the financial crisis in 1997, the bargaining institution in Korea has been approaching the right-to-manage model in which firms and unions bargain over wages and then firms set employment unilaterally. (5) Variables for domestic financialization measured by dividend-income ratio and financial-fixed assets ratio have an insignificant effect on labor share.

• Women's Health Nursing
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.191-199
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• 2020

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of anxiety and smartphone dependency on sleep quality in pregnant women with preterm labor. Methods: The participants of this study were 111 pregnant women who were between 20 and 37 weeks of gestation and experienced preterm labor. The data were collected from October 1, 2018 to October 25, 2019. The collected data were analyzed using descriptive statistics (frequency, percentage, and standard deviation), as well as the t-test, Pearson correlation coefficients, and hierarchical multiple regression. Results: Significant negative correlations were found between anxiety and sleep quality and between smartphone dependency and sleep quality. Participants' history of preterm birth, pregnancy method, bowel movements, anxiety, and smartphone dependency significantly affected sleep quality, with an explanatory power of 18%. Conclusion: In order to improve the quality of sleep, which is an important health-related factor for pregnant women experiencing preterm labor, it will be necessary to identify a history of premature birth, pregnancies achieved using artificial reproductive technology, bowel problems, and smartphone dependency in advance and to provide nursing interventions accordingly.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.165-195
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• 2017

This paper deals with 'men facing limits of lives' from a perspective of struggle for social recognition. Men facing limits of lives in this paper indicates activists who have dedicated to labor movements since 1970s, and struggle for social recognition means to fight to acquire recognition in terms of love, rights and values, from members of societies. This paper analyzes the process of their failure and frustration in pursuing passion for recognition. They formed democratic labor unions, as an effort for recognition, and this led to foundation of progressive parties. Nonetheless, they are standing on a crossroad between lethargic and depression, while they are pursuing reformation and revolution. Why is their passion cooled down and depression aggravated? This paper argues various rifts both in internal and external realms of labor activists as critical factor of the failure, and suggests communication to heal the rifts as an alternative.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.57-81
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• 2010

Recently, labor unions' active participation in social issues is drawing people's attention as their concerns are expanding from the conventional wage raise and employment to others such as the environment and poverty eradication. This derives from the notion that a trade union with bargaining power is also an economic agent responsible and able to take a positive role in social issues. This paper explains through a micro economic analysis model that labor union movements can also contribute to social issues such as the global environment. Based on the international oligopoly trade theory, the study analyzes the principal-agent model whereby firms and labor unions pursue their strategic choices based on their interest and influence the implementation of regulatory policies on pollution emission. The analysis confirmed that labor unions' bargaining power and international cooperation are influential in alleviating global pollution emission and in improving social welfare. This conclusion could be presented as a basis for arguing for and requesting the participation and cooperation of labor unions to solve environmental problems discussed at WILL 2006.