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Characteristics of the Absorption of Cherry Tomato by the Application of Chelated Calcium and Germanium (킬레이트화 칼슘 및 게르마늄의 방울토마토 시용에 따른 흡수 특성)

  • Jang, Young-Hee;Lee, Seung-Hwan;Park, Young-Il;Lee, Kyu-Seung
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.45 no.5
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    • pp.787-791
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    • 2012
  • Bloods from slaughtered Korean native cattle (Hanwoo : Bos taurus coreanae) can be used in agriculture with various beneficial effects on the environment. This study was performed to find out the effect of the application of calcium and germanium, which are chelated with peptides made of cattle bloods on the absorption of them by cherry tomato (Lycopersicon esculentum Mill.). Peptide was purified by enzymatic hydrolysis and ultrafiltration from serum protein, which is composed of Asp, Glu, Lue etc. Chelated Ca and Ge were produced by reacting the peptide with $CaCl_2$ and Ge-$132^{(R)}$. Then, they were applied to cherry tomato during cultivation period at the rate of $300mL{\times}3times$ (10 days interval) for each tomato tree. Application of chelated-Ca increased the Ca contents in leaves and fruits of cherry tomato showing as 19.9% and 23.4% in newerly prepared chelated-Ca-200 ($200mg\;L^{-1}$), 8.1% and 6.8% in commecrial Calciolid Ca-300 ($300mg\;L^{-1}$) compared to 3152.6 and $63.2mg\;kg^{-1}$ in control, respectively. Application of chelated-Ge showed the increase in the germanium contents in both leaves and fruits of cherry tomato by over 6 times than those of control and over 4 times than Ge $132^{(R)}$-20 application. As a result of this study, it seemed that the application of chelated-Ca and chelated-Ge would be more effective than the existing commertial one in the absorption of calcium and germanium by cherry tomato.

Effect of the Removal of an Initial Oxide Layer and the Anodization Time on the Growth of the Porous Alumina Layer (초기 산화피막 제거와 양극산화 시간에 따른 다공성 알루미나 막의 성장)

  • Kim, Dae-Hwan;Lue, Sang-Hee;Lee, Hyo-Jin;Park, Young-Ok;Lee, Eun-Joong;Kouh, Tae-Joon
    • Journal of the Korean Magnetics Society
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    • v.20 no.5
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    • pp.191-195
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    • 2010
  • We have investigated the effect of the removal of an initial oxide layer and the anodization time on the growth of the porous alumina layer. The porous alumina layer was fabricated by two-step anodization process with phosphoric acid. We have observed the changes in the uniformity of the pore structure by varying the removing time of the initial oxide layer after the first anodization with phosphoric acid and chromic acid, and noted that its uniformity improves with the removing time. We have also determined the thickness of the alumina layer after the final anodization process and found that the thickness increases linearly with the anodization time. Under 150 V of anodization voltage with phosphoric acid, the growth rate of the porous alumina layer is determined to be 22.5 nm/min.

Clinical Study of Hepatectomy Combined with Jianpi Huayu Therapy for Hepatocellular Carcinoma

  • Zhong, Chong;Li, Hui-Dong;Liu, Dong-Yang;Xu, Fa-Bin;Wu, Jian;Lin, Xue-Mei;Guo, Rong-Ping
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • v.15 no.14
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    • pp.5951-5957
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    • 2014
  • Background: Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) possesses several advantages for treating patients with hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC). The theory of 'Jianpi Huayu Therapy' rooted from 'Jin Kui Yao Lue'is one of the most important therapies in this respect. This study was conducted to investigate the clinical effect and safety of hepatectomy combining with 'Jianpi Huayu Therapy' in the treatment of HCC. Materials and Methods: One hundred and twenty patients with HCC were randomized allocated into hepatectomy combined with 'Jianpi Huayu Therapy' group (treatment group, n=60) and hepatectomy alone group (control group, n=60). Disease- free survival (DFS) and overall survival (OS) were the primary end-points. Liver function at the end of one week after surgery, complications, average days of hospitalization as well as performance status (PS) at the end of one month post operation were also compared. Results: No significant differences existed between two groups on baseline analysis (p>0.05). No treatment related mortality occurred in either group. Post-operative complications were detected among 14 patients (23.3%) in the treatment group, and 12 (20.0%) in the control group (p=0.658). Alanine aminotransferase (ALT) at the end of one week after operation was lower in the treatment than control groups (p=0.042). No significant differences in other indexes of liver function were discovered between two groups. Average days of hospitalization reduced by 0.9 day in treatment group than in control (p=0.034). During follow-up, 104 patients (86.6%) developed recurrence. The rates of 1-, 3-, and 5-year DFS and median DFS for all patients were 77.4%, 26.3%, 9.0% and 25.6 months (range, 6.0~68.0), respectively (78.2%, 29.2%, 14.3% and 28.7 months for the 48 patients in the treatment group and 75.0%, 23.3%, 6.4%, and 22.6 months for the 56 patients in the control group (p=0.045)). 101 patients had died at the time of censor, with 1-, 3-, and 5-year overall survival rates and median survival for all patients of 97.5%, 76.4%, 40.5% and 51.2 months (range, 10.0~72.0), respectively (98.3%, 78.0%, 43.6% and 52.6 months, for treatment and 96.7%, 74.7%, 37.4%, and 49.8 months, for controls, respectively (p=0.048)). Conclusions: Hepatectomy combined with 'Jianpi Huayu therapy'was effective in the treatment of HCC, and reduced post-operative recurrence and metastasis and improved DFS and OS of HCC patients.

A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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    • v.10
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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Development of a Biophysical Rice Yield Model Using All-weather Climate Data (MODIS 전천후 기상자료 기반의 생물리학적 벼 수량 모형 개발)

  • Lee, Jihye;Seo, Bumsuk;Kang, Sinkyu
    • Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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    • v.33 no.5_2
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    • pp.721-732
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    • 2017
  • With the increasing socio-economic importance of rice as a global staple food, several models have been developed for rice yield estimation by combining remote sensing data with carbon cycle modelling. In this study, we aimed to estimate rice yield in Korea using such an integrative model using satellite remote sensing data in combination with a biophysical crop growth model. Specifically, daily meteorological inputs derived from MODIS (Moderate Resolution imaging Spectroradiometer) and radar satellite products were used to run a light use efficiency based crop growth model, which is based on the MODIS gross primary production (GPP) algorithm. The modelled biomass was converted to rice yield using a harvest index model. We estimated rice yield from 2003 to 2014 at the county level and evaluated the modelled yield using the official rice yield and rice straw biomass statistics of Statistics Korea (KOSTAT). The estimated rice biomass, yield, and harvest index and their spatial distributions were investigated. Annual mean rice yield at the national level showed a good agreement with the yield statistics with the yield statistics, a mean error (ME) of +0.56% and a mean absolute error (MAE) of 5.73%. The estimated county level yield resulted in small ME (+0.10~+2.00%) and MAE (2.10~11.62%),respectively. Compared to the county-level yield statistics, the rice yield was over estimated in the counties in Gangwon province and under estimated in the urban and coastal counties in the south of Chungcheong province. Compared to the rice straw statistics, the estimated rice biomass showed similar error patterns with the yield estimates. The subpixel heterogeneity of the 1 km MODIS FPAR(Fraction of absorbed Photosynthetically Active Radiation) may have attributed to these errors. In addition, the growth and harvest index models can be further developed to take account of annually varying growth conditions and growth timings.

The Evaluation of Meteorological Inputs retrieved from MODIS for Estimation of Gross Primary Productivity in the US Corn Belt Region (MODIS 위성 영상 기반의 일차생산성 알고리즘 입력 기상 자료의 신뢰도 평가: 미국 Corn Belt 지역을 중심으로)

  • Lee, Ji-Hye;Kang, Sin-Kyu;Jang, Keun-Chang;Ko, Jong-Han;Hong, Suk-Young
    • Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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    • v.27 no.4
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    • pp.481-494
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    • 2011
  • Investigation of the $CO_2$ exchange between biosphere and atmosphere at regional, continental, and global scales can be directed to combining remote sensing with carbon cycle process to estimate vegetation productivity. NASA Earth Observing System (EOS) currently produces a regular global estimate of gross primary productivity (GPP) and annual net primary productivity (NPP) of the entire terrestrial earth surface at 1 km spatial resolution. While the MODIS GPP algorithm uses meteorological data provided by the NASA Data Assimilation Office (DAO), the sub-pixel heterogeneity or complex terrain are generally reflected due to coarse spatial resolutions of the DAO data (a resolution of $1{\circ}\;{\times}\;1.25{\circ}$). In this study, we estimated inputs retrieved from MODIS products of the AQUA and TERRA satellites with 5 km spatial resolution for the purpose of finer GPP and/or NPP determinations. The derivatives included temperature, VPD, and solar radiation. Seven AmeriFlux data located in the Corn Belt region were obtained to use for evaluation of the input data from MODIS. MODIS-derived air temperature values showed a good agreement with ground-based observations. The mean error (ME) and coefficient of correlation (R) ranged from $-0.9^{\circ}C$ to $+5.2^{\circ}C$ and from 0.83 to 0.98, respectively. VPD somewhat coarsely agreed with tower observations (ME = -183.8 Pa ~ +382.1 Pa; R = 0.51 ~ 0.92). While MODIS-derived shortwave radiation showed a good correlation with observations, it was slightly overestimated (ME = -0.4 MJ $day^{-1}$ ~ +7.9 MJ $day^{-1}$; R = 0.67 ~ 0.97). Our results indicate that the use of inputs derived MODIS atmosphere and land products can provide a useful tool for estimating crop GPP.

A Study on Qian Yi(錢乙)'s Medical Though (전을(錢乙)의 의학사상(醫學思想)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Oh, Jun Hwan;Kim, Ki Wook;Park, Hyun Kook
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
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    • v.14 no.2
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    • pp.109-152
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    • 2001
  • Throughout this paper, I adjusted the study of 'Qian Yi'(錢乙)'s Medical Thought, and the following is the summary. 1. 'Qian Yi' wrote 'Xiao Er Yao Zheng Zhi Jue'("小兒藥證直訣", edited by 誾季忠), and there were 'Shang Han Lun Zhi Wei'("傷寒論指微"), 'Ying Ru Lun', however those are loss of the record. 2. Qian Yi's 'Zhi Jue'("直訣") was influenced by 'Lu Xin Jing', yet if we compare the quality of 'Sheng Li, Byeng Li, Bang Jae'(生理, 病理, 方劑), 'Lu Xin Jing' cannot be the foundation of 'Zhi Jue'. He took over 'Nei Jing, Shang Han Lun, Jin Gui Yao Lue, Shen Long Ben Cao Jing, Tai Ping Sheng Hui Fang'("內經", "傷寒論", "金?要略", "神膿本草經", "太平聖惠方") and put them together to the direct clinical experiences of pediatrics. 3. There is no reference regarding the difficulties of pediatric diagnosis and diseases in 'Huang Di Nei Jing'("黃帝內經") Before 'Bei Song'(北宋), regardless of the lack of data related to pediatric diseases, 'Qian Yi' established the pediatric system in 'Xiao Er Yao Zheng Zhi Jue' for the first time. 4. In his diagnosis of the pediatric diseases, he 'Si Zhen He Can'(四診合參), also considered in the eye exam seriously. In addition, he closely combined 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng'(五臟辨證), and diagnosis the pediatric diseases. 5. 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng', what Qian established method was based on 'Zheng Ti Guan'(整體觀) in 'Huang Di Nei Jing'. It was based on clinical experiences and established the perspectives of 'Tian Ren Xiang Ying'(天人相應). First of all, he pinpointed 'Zhu Zheng'(主證) clearly. Secondly, he pinpointed the relationships to symptoms and then, he distinguished a generic character of 'Xu, Shi, Han, Re'(虛, 實, 寒, 熱). Finally, he made an induction from genealogical pediatric physiology. 6. 'Qian Yi' took a serious view of 'Ban Zhen'(斑疹), the inadequate field in those days. At that time, he criticized on the habituation of the misuse of medication. He treated separately which 'Ji Jing'(急驚) as 'Liang Xie'(凉瀉) and 'Man Jing'(慢驚) as 'Wen Bu'(溫補). He proposed 'Cong Gan Zhu Feng, Xin Zhu Jing'(從肝主風, 心主驚) theory and formulated 'Jing Feng'(驚風) theory as well. 7. As an opponent of a tendency to misusage of medicine, 'Qian Yi' made out a prescription with pliant medicine. He emphasized on the treatment to 'Gong Bu Shang Zheng, Bu Bu Zhi Xie, Xiao Bu Jian Shi'(攻不傷正, 補不滯邪, 消補兼施) because he had so lucid demonstration to 'Xu Shi Han Re'(虛實寒熱) of the five viscera in the field of 'Bang Yak'(方藥). 8. There were no pediatrics schools at that time, however, the pediatrics was being made up gradually by 'Jin Yuan Si Da Jia'(金元四大家) who was influenced by 'Qian Yi'. He raised an objection to medical treatment using pliant medicine. 'Qian Yi' applied 'Qu Xia'(驅下) treatment using 'Han Liang'(寒凉) medicine. 'Han Liang Pai'(寒凉派) is greatly influenced by Qian. 'Chen Wen Zhong'(陳文中) had a great impact on 'Han Liang Pai' who used a 'Zao Shu Wen Bu'(燥熟溫補) medicine for treatment. Since 'Song Jin'(宋金), he had a tremendous influence on pediatrics treating patients in both 'Han Wen'(寒溫) ways. 9. 'Qian Yi' had an influence on his medical thoughts on future generations, especially to 'Wan Quan'(萬全) of 'Ming Dai', 'Wu Tang'(吳塘) of 'Qing Dai'(淸代) and 'Yun Shu Jie'(?樹珏) of 'Min Guo'(民國). 'Wan Quan' is an advocate of 'You Yu, Bu Zu Zhi Shuo'(有餘, 不足之說)of 'Xiao Er Wu Zang'(小兒五臟) that he revealed Qian's 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng'(五臟辨證). 'Wu Tang' disclosed Qian's 'Xiao Er Ti Zhi Shuo'(小兒體質說) and 'Xiao Er Ke'(小兒科)'s 'Yong Yao Lun'(用藥論), therefore, he uncovered pediatric physiological characteristics through the advocate of Qian's 'Zang Fu Rou Ruo, Ji Gu Nen Qie, Yi Xu Yi Shi, Yi Han Yi Re' (臟腑柔弱, 肌骨嫩怯, 易虛易實, 易寒易熱). 'Yun Shu Jie' developed intrinsic relationships among time, symptom and 'Tian Ren Xiang Ying Guan'(天人相應觀), What 'Qian Yi' stated about them. And also, he developed Qian's 'Di Huang Wan'(地黃丸), 'Xie Qing Wan'(瀉靑丸), 'Yi Huang San'(益黃散) clinical usages as well. 10. Regarding Qian's 'Wu Zang Xu Shi'(五臟虛實), it has an influence on 'Zhang Yuan Su'(張元素)'s 'Zang Fu Bing Ji Bian Zheng'(臟腑病機辨證). 'Di Huang Wan', 'Xie Qing Wan', 'Xie Xin Tang'(瀉心湯), 'Yi Huang San', 'Xie Huang San'(瀉黃散) are the standard prescription of 'Wu Zang Bu Xie'(五臟補瀉). It is under the influence of Qian's treatment. Besides, 'Qian Yi' took a serious view of 'Xiao Er'(小兒)'s 'Pi Wei'(脾胃). 'Qian Yi' had an impact on 'Li Dong Yuan'(李東垣) one of the member of 'Bu Tu Pai'(補土派). 'Di Huang Wan', which placed great importance on 'Bu Yi Shen Yin'(補益腎陰), had a great impact on 'Da Bu Yin Wan'(大補陰丸) and 'Jin Yuan Si Da Jia' as well. 11. In a theory of Qian's 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng', though it had been stated clearly in 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng', but he neglected in 'Liu Fu Bian Zheng'(六腑辨證). In prescription field, The problem with the medicine is that it is either toxic or mineral, therefore, we are not able to use those medicine in a clinical testing at the present time.

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A Study on the Effects of Seogye Deuk-Yoon Lee on Cheongju Sarim(Forest of Scholars) (청주 사림의 학맥과 서계 이득윤과의 관계에 대한연구)

  • Lee, Jong Kawn
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.16 no.2
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    • pp.1092-1100
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    • 2015
  • This thesis is a part of a case study conducted in order to understand the trends of the 16th~17th century Cheongju region bigwigs, and has examined the life and academic stream of Seogye Deuk-Yoon LEE (1553-1630) focused on the previous study, "The Great Family Genealogy of Ikjaegong of the Gyeongju LEE Family". Seogye Deuk-Yoon LEE learned from his father Seomgye Jam LEE, and GiSEO, Ji-Hwa PARK from an early age, and based the basic orientation of his studies on one's moral and religious self one's moral and religious self'. This is how he became to emphasize "Sohak" (an introductory book of Confucianism for children), and he made an effort to realize the world of Neo-Confucianism by distributing the 'YEO's Hyangyak(Lue-shih-hsiang-yueeh : autonomic regulations of the district areas)' published on "Sohak". Furthermore, he made great effort in education of the Cheongju by regarding it as his own mission to teach young scholars, continuing on the footsteps of his father. Considering this, Seogye was not only a Confucian scholar that devoted himself to 'Sugi(moral training of himself', but was also a practical scholar that committed his sense of social responsibility in ' teaching' and 'governing the people, who greatly affected the academic world of the regional bigwigs of the Cheongju during the 17th century. Furthermore, Deuk-Yoon LEE was a member of the 'Nangseongpalhyeon(eight wise men of the Cheongju region) together with his disciple Deok-soo LEE, who performed a core role in establishing the 'Gihohakpa(Capital and Chungcheong province School)' and 'Hoseosarim(forest of scholars in Chungcheong province)' of the Cheongju region. As a main figure in establishing the Sinhang Confucian academy, he prepared the socio-economic basis for the 'Gihohakpa' to take place in the Cheongju, and by academically associating with Sagye Jang-Seng Kim without regarding their conflicting parties, he became the bridge in allowing his disciple, Deok-Soo LEE to associate with the academic stream and the 'Gihohakpa'. Through such roles, he allowed the relatively easy establishment of the 'Gihohakpa' and 'Hoseosarim', which continued to Jang-Seng KIM and Si-Yeol SONG, in order to prepare the basis and establish the strength of its basis in the Cheongju region from the late 17th century.