• Human Ecology Research
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.75-85
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• 2014

Family life culture embodies the ways of thinking and behaving among family members in everyday lives. With a noticeable growth of multicultural families since 2000, there has been an inflow of other culture into the existing Korean family life culture. This new phenomenon signals a potential transformation of the family life culture in Korean society. To forecast such changes, we compared the family life culture of Korean-Vietnamese multicultural families (as reported by 104 Korean husbands and their Vietnamese wives) with that of mainstream Korean families (as reported by 108 Korean married men and 92 Korean married women) by comparing family ritual practices and family values. We also sought to identify whether two cultures in Korean-Vietnamese multicultural families harmoniously coexist or clash by examining differences within couples. Results showed that Korean married men and Korean husbands of Vietnamese women were very similar in terms of family ritual practices and family values. Differences emerged between Korean husbands and their Vietnamese wives. Specifically, Korean husbands endorsed more traditional gender role beliefs while their family values were less patriarchal compared to their wives. Results suggest that more flexible gender role beliefs reported by Vietnamese wives may be a source of conflict in Korean-Vietnamese multicultural families. At the same time, it may be a driving force of change in their existing family life culture. It will be worthwhile to pay attention in future research to whether and how patriarchal values and flexible gender role beliefs would continue to coexist or modify each other.

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Costume Conference
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• 2003.10a
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• pp.33-33
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• 2003

Lamaism is a Mahayana with strong shaman characteristics in Tibet and Mongolia. It was established through settlement of Esoteric Buddhism, based on Indian Buddhism, transferred to Tibet, mixed with a traditional Tibetan religion Bon which emphasizes shamanism, conducts Tantric and shaman rituals. One of the rituals, Tsam, is a dance drama for protection of Buddhism and enlightenment of the followers in which the monks perform in mask.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.309-318
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• 2004

To investigate of the utilization and awareness on the traditional foods of university students in Daejeon, 104 male students(26.8%) and 282 female students(73.2%) were surveyed by the questionnaire. The traditional foods surveyed were Korean sauce, rice cake, Korean cookies, Korean soft drinks, kimchi and ritual foods. Among respondents, 56.5% answered that they had made Korean sauce at home, and 66.2% replied the reason why was because home made Korean sauce had much better tastes than other instant Korean sauces. 40.1% of the respondents answered that they would made Korean sauce at home after getting married. 61.2% of respondents answered that they liked the rice cakes and there was a significant difference between sex(P＜0.001). Most respondents(50.7%) ate the rice cakes at traditional holidays. They liked Injulmi the most(28.4%) and there was a significant difference between sex(P＜0.001)； males liked Injeolmi better and females Patsirooduk. 47.4% of respondents liked the Korean cookies and 68.3% of them replied that the reason was because they were tasty. 71.1% of respondents ate Korean cookies at traditional holidays. 53.93% of respondents ate Korean soft drinks at traditional holidays and 68.1% of them made them at home. 81.3% of respondents said that they would make Kimchi at home instead of buying at market after they married； 65.2% of them answered the reason why was because home-made ones were tastier. For ritual foods for traditional ceremony, 52.2% of respondents said they would not use order and delivery service, and if they would use them, 60.5% respondents said because it might be convenient because it took much time to prepare. There were no significant differences between sex distinctions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.35
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• pp.284-303
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• 2002

The purpose of this research paper is to examine, from an ethnological viewpoint, the traditional practice of using sacrificial game and domestic livestock as is often seen at communal rites in Korea. This paper also examine how the more convenient use of livestock sacrifice developed from that in which wild game were once offered, and how this change in the type of animals used affected the significance of the sacrifice. It also looks at how the use of animal sacrifice for ceremonies eventually influenced the practice of meat consumption on the part of the participants in their daily life, and how it contributed to the eventual establishment and development of livestock breeding for the purpose of meat consumption. The practice of catching wild game in the mountains for sacrificial purposes eventually gave way to the use of pasturage cattle, but it should be understood that these domesticated livestock were raised primarily for ceremonial rather than meat consumption purpose. When used for sacrifice, these cattle were not castrated, as is normally done when they are slaughtered for meat consumption, but it should not be assumed that this was done for purposes of simplification. In addition, not only rice farmers but also when enterpreneurs set up a new enterprise, animal sacrifice was viewed not only as a form of on-site purification of evil, but also served the dual purpose of enhancing their business through the traditional custom of serving meat to those invited guests in attendance. In the large-scale village communal rite of Hwaghae Province located in the northwestern part of Korea, animal sacrifice was carried out in the ritual for the Mountain God in a highly dramatic style, and suggests that it originated with the agrarian rites of the "fire-field" farmers of East Asia, which were utilized to foretell whether the coming year would be one of abundance or famine, and to the royal ceremony held on the 3rd day of the 3rd month of the lunar calendar, as well as that held for the God of the Mountains and Streams. The dramatic-style hunting rite, included in the large-scale communal ritual of Hwanghae Province mentioned previously, as well as in the Ritual of the Cow from Pyungsan, also located in Hwanghae Province, in which wild game were used as sacrifice, is significant in that it points up the changes that have occurred in ceremonial animal sacrifice. However, more research on ritualistic animal sacrifice is still called for in rites for good farming, fishing, and the variety of others that are held throughout Korea.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.83-98
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• 2012

The starting point of this study is the concerning of simple behavioral pattern that whoever enters the inner space with taking off his shoes should go out from the position where he laid his shoes. The using of Ondol (floor heating room) and Maru (lifted wood floor) had changed the architectural space from chair-sitting to floor-sitting space, and it also made the behavior of taking off the shoes at the entrance of building and stepping on the lifted floor. This simple behavior has possibility to make lots of changes to the culture of architectural design. With this noticeable point, this paper is talking about the cultural feature of Korean traditional architecture, especially about the influence of tanking off and putting on shoes. The matter of shoes has changed diverse aspects of building and layout planning. It maximized the difference between front and rear part of building and characterized the lateral extension of Korean traditional house. The ritual space also had evolved from chair-sitting to floor-sitting space according to the type of ritual behavioral pattern. The change on the single building level had influenced on the layout planning of architectural complex. For examples, the parallel layout of ChangDeok-gung palace and the long sequential process to the main pavilion of Buddhist temple are the result of the matter of shoes. And NuGak(樓閣), the double-storied pavilion, on the axis of entering sequence's node is one of the unique planning elements that makes possible to go through the building without taking off the shoes and also makes upper level space for staying. In short, Korean traditional architecture that has the chair-sitting spatial origin of the East Asian cultural sphere has pursued new architectural issues and planning methods according to evolution to the floor-sitting culture.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.64 no.4
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• pp.162-175
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• 2014

This study focuses on Korea's traditional-style soryebok, in terms of its foundation, progression, and structural features. The research methods employed here include literature analyses of relevant laws and an official daily gazette, and practical analyses of artifacts and photographic documents. Especially, the artifacts of heukdannyeong(black uniform for officials with a round neck) in the form of chaksu(tight sleeves) were examined, which was regulated as soryebok in Eulmiuijegaehyeok. The term "soryebok" firstly appeared in "使和記略"(Sahwagiryak) written by Park Yeong-hyo, a foreign envoy to Japan, in 1882. Emperor's invitation written in the book asked him to wear daeryebok at the ritual and soryebok to the banquet. Soryebok was not adopted in Gapshinuijegaehyeok in 1884. However, several illustrated documents of the modern banquets at that time reveal that sabok, which was included in the 1884 reform, was used as soryebok. According to the Gapouijegaehyeok in December 1894, courtiers were required to wear heukdannyeong as daeryebok, and add juui(topcoat) and dapho(sleeveless coat) as tongsangyebok when they visited the royal palace. In Joseon's first daeryebok system, the term "tongsangyebok" that had been used in Japan was employed before soryebok was used. According to Eulmiuijegaehyeok in August 1895, the term "soryebok" originated from a costume ritual for courtiers of the Joseon Dynasty. Soryebok featured heokbannyeong chaksupo, samo (winged hat for officials), sokdae(belt), and hwaja (shoes for officials). There are around 24 artifact pieces of heukdannyeong in the form of chaksu(tight sleeves) in the following locations: garments of Prince Heungwangun and Wansungun, the court artifacts, Korea University Museum, Yun Ung-ryeol's family housed at Yonsei University, and Kyungwoon Museum. Artifacts have mu(godet) pulled back and a topcoat-like triangular mu. In conclusion, heukdannyeong, traditional-style soryebok has significance in the history of modern dress because streamlined traditional clothes and newly introduced Western dress system were able to be combined.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.12-25
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• 1993

The purpose of this study is to interpret the landscape meaning of village grove and then combines this interpretations with landscape planing if it is possible. So we chose four village groves among seven villlage interpretations with landscape planing if it is possible. So we chose four village groves among seven village groves in HAMPYUNG & YOUNGKWANG Province(CHONRANAMDO, KOREA). The reason why we did it is that the meaning of korean groves is divided into three types(Confucianism, Feng-shui, Native belief etc.) according to original planting reasons. This study was done mainly by both referring to the regional character of those types and examining the nature of grove meanings. As a result of this process, we are able to find three demensions which were explained by physical-ecological, user's behavioral and cultural meaning. 1. Physical landscape of village grove is composed with ecological meaning that is related with people's land use not only inside but outside of it. So this kind of ecological meaning is the mutual relation among physical elements of village groves, for example old high trees, surface, user's facilities, land use around a grove and soon. 2. User's behavior meaning of grove shows that it has high relation with physical dimension, for example distance and accessiblity to a grove, linkage with open space around a village and so on. User's behavior inside of grove is usually divided into three types(recreation, play, ritual services). Especially, we were able to find a tendency to have numerous people use in the case of a village grove well to preserve its ritual service. 3. Cultural meaning of grove has the holistic character which usually defines the regional theme of each village and village grove(Confucianism, Feng-shui, Native belief etc.). So, the Landscape meaning of village grove is not only a physical shape but a certain concept existing inside of village grove. This diversed meaning existing in a grove have a direct effect on good fortune or misfortune of a village and its dwellers.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.133-146
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• 2015

King and Crown Prince's Gwanbok (冠服) written in "Goryeosa" Yeobokji was the bestowment of robes and crowns by the Son of Heaven who yielded hegemony over East Asia. It designated the King and Crown Prince of Goryeo as real and authentic as well as confirmed the political status of Goryeo in East Asia. In "Goryeosa" Yeobokji, the King's Gwanbok is of higher stature than the adornments of the King's ritual robes (祭服) and court robes (朝服) which held a domestic political significance. In East Asia, bestowment of voiture (車) and robe (服) usually appeared in the multistate system. In the $10^{th}$ century, the Later Jin (後晋) spread the idea of investiture and bestowment to Khitan (契丹). The Liao (遼) or Khitan and the Jin (金), the Conquest Dynasties, endeavored to establish the legitimacy of the Son of Heaven by imitating Sinocentrism by means of investiture and bestowment. In the reign of XingZong (興宗) and DaoZong (道宗) of Liao, the ritual of investiture and bestowment for Goryeo was in the making, adding titles and bestowments in the occasion of the elevation of Emperor Liao's honorific title. King Munjong (文宗) of Goryeo reached 9-bestowment which symbolized the first of the feudal lords in East Asia. This exceptional respect for Goryeo went on to Jin's investiture and bestowment. From then, 9-bestowment was defined as an international decorum (禮) toward Goryeo. This historical study of Gwanbok (冠服) of "Goryeosa", indicates: First, the King's Ceremonial Robe with Nine-symbol Design were designated from the early to middle of the Goryeo Dynasty by investiture and bestowment from the Conquest Dynasties. Second, the bestowed King's Robe and Crown had simultaneous functions for domestic order and international order. Goryeo did not follow ideological Sinocentrism but followed practical interest by accepting Confucian Li (禮) philosophy passed on through the Conquest Dynasties.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.1-32
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• 2016

This research intended to conduct literary research on 'Jeok' of 25 jong-ga through Jong-ga Ancestral Ritual Formalities and Food, published by the Cultural Heritage National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage during 2003~2008, and compared and analyzed an arranging method and recipe transmission process by directly visiting four Jong-ga. Religious ceremony foods of Jong-ga could be divided according to the standard of the hakpa attribute (large), regional attribute (midium), and family attribute (small), which forms a complex connection structure between the attributes. 'Jeok' arranging form is divided into '3-Jeok building method (vertical structure)', '3-Jeok arrangement method (horizontal structure)', '3-Jeok replacement method', '2-Jeok arrangement method', 'Jeon-Jeok arrangement method', and 'Others-Jeok arrangement method'. Generally, 'jeok' arrangement order per hakpa is in the order of 'meat jeok - chicken jeok - fish jeok' in case of Gihohakpa, whereas Yeongnamhakpa is in the order of 'fish jeok - meat jeok - chicken jeok'. Umoringye (羽毛鱗介), the method of laying 'dojeok' of the Gyeongbuk region, could be found in the 2nd century B.C. Chinese ancient book Hoenamja and the theoretical background was Yin and yang philosophy (陰陽論). This research has significance in terms of securing advanced results compared to advanced research that has so far concentrated on some regions and hakpas.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2010

Danggol, in other words the hereditary shaman, is a person who is performing the Gut(the Korean shamanistic ritual) as the job but fortuneteller simply tells someone's fortunes. Nowadays most of fortunetellers think their works are wholly managed the Gut as the holy jobs. But Generally this kinds of jobs, we think it is lower than ordinary people's level of education in the korea. Actually we can meet eleven fortunetellers who have a college diploma out of them, so we can know that their education's level is increasing gradually. On the other hand a house of fortunetellers is the place where can lead the way of our lives in the method of seeing one's past life or making predictions of someone's coming events etc. Gradually this place seems to be separated with a private home, so the most of them is managing as the monthly rent. Consequently this houses are heavily located at the Gyerim five-way crossing, the Yang-dong Dakjeonmeory street, Jungheung-dong local culture street area. Each fortunetellers have the different ways of fortune-telling because this methods are decided by their one's characters. So their fortune-telling time and its time required for a task is far different. The methods of telling it is very much different in accordance with the learning fortuneteller or spiritualistic fortuneteller. But the process of fortune-telling is common like as a preparatory stage, carrying a Jumsa(fortune-telling) stage and acting by a Jumsa stage. These steps are sequential but linked together. There are six special features of fortune-telling culture in Gwang-Ju. 1. The role of a fortuneteller and Bosal(spirit-descended shaman) runs at the same time. 2. The house of fortune-telling is doing Gutdang(ritual house)'s works. 3. Its location are heavily collectivized at the specific districts. 4. The learning fortuneteller are increasing gradually. 5. The youth are growing use in the fortune-telling house. 6. There are many person that are visiting this house because of individual problems not their family's problems.